Friday, May 4, 2012

Present International and National Situation and Our Tasks


Provisional Central Committee
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)
The PCC met during 4-6 February, 2012.

The following conclusions were arrived at after prolonged discussions at the meeting of PCC.
  • Deficit reduction has become the mantra for big finance and the super monopolies since they were bailed out after 2008 by huge state funds, causing the huge deficits in the first place. This has resulted in drastic and inhuman cuts in welfare and large-scale and rising unemployment. Health, education, food availability, pensions and other welfare measures have been badly affected. In plain terms it means that the burden of the crisis caused immediately by deregulated finance has been pushed on to the shoulders of the working and middle classes. This story repeats itself all over the US, Japan and Europe, the core area of world capitalism. Nowhere in this area will finance capital allow the reinstatement of regulations that were in place before the triumphal march of finance capital. The sharp decline in the rate of profit in manufacturing forces capitalism to financialise and more  unbridled speculation will hasten it to its doom sooner than later.
  • Core capitalist countries and their multinational monopolies still control world production by producing very high-tech items and designs in their own countries. The rest of production is contracted out  to peripheral countries according to the availability of cheap unskilled, semi-skilled and skilled labour. Eastern Europe and the leading ASEAN countries have the skilled and semi-skilled labour to produce the intermediate products that are then sent mainly to China to become finished products through largely cheap and unskilled labour.
  • Although the lion’s share of the profits from such a process goes into the coffers of the multinationals, the monopolies have also to share a part of the profits with powerful peripheral (national-comprador) monopolies. This has given rise to strong middle income countries such as China, India, Brazil, South Africa, etc. These countries have more or less small home markets and depend on cheap labour to export raw materials, services, and manufactured goods. The shrinkage of markets due to the crisis has affected these countries in accordance with how much they have opened up to foreign capital and its commands. The Chinese and the Indian state still retain some restrictions on foreign capital and have saved themselves to a certain extent from the full impact of the crisis. But their GDP growth and, especially, their growth in manufactures have slowed down. 
  • In India, the ruling classes appear divided over what is termed “the next generation of reforms”. The dream team of the Bretton Woods twins (i.e. US imperialism) headed by Manmohan Singh and its cohorts consisting of Pawar and others are trying to press full steam ahead towards deregulating the entry and exit conditions of imperialist capital, changing the labour laws for such entry, curtailing the social wage and privatisation. On the other hand, there are forces that would appear against such moves or at least to be more cautious about them. This division is also reflected to some extent in foreign policy initiatives such as on Iran, China, Pakistan, Afghanistan, the Doha round, etc.
  • The world economic crisis and the shifting of its burden onto the working people throughout the world have provoked widespread resistance struggles. In countries such as the US, Spain, Greece, Italy and France, these struggles have achieved a qualitatively new dimension by bringing forward capitalism as the enemy, a position that is unprecedented for the last half century or so. The OWS in the US is in the forefront of this development, but the Greek and Spanish movements are not very far behind. The working classes in these countries are yet to fully mobilise behind this development, but the struggles in Wisconsin, Oakland and New York promise greater things to come. But as of now, the anti-capitalist struggles are the arena for ideological struggle on what is to be done and how. The failures of the actually existing socialisms of the last century are still roadblocks on the way to clear understandings. Without a thorough overhaul of our ideas on socialism, the working class movement cannot move forward towards world-wide victory.
  • In India, the contradictory tendencies within the ruling classes have not proceeded to the extent of any splits or even the full identification of specific forces in contention. But it is clear that in the political arena, these tendencies and the rise and consolidation of various kinds of regional forces have weakened the ruling class parties, mainly the two big ones, considerably. This has created grave instability and opened up spaces for the workers and the poor and lower middle classes to consolidate the innumerable ongoing struggles against, in essence, capitalism and imperialism.
  • With its limited strength, the party and other unofficial left parties and formations, must abjure the kind of left adventurism practiced by the CPI (Maoist) and lead mass struggles on class and identity issues while uniting as and when possible with all forces, including regional forces and parties, NGOs and others. Imperialism must be the focus of our struggles and all forces which oppose particular imperialist policies without being against all such policies in any thoroughgoing manner should also be united with on issue to issue considerations. Only such a policy can unleash the mass struggle on a national scale.
  • All forces to the left of the official left parties must build up close unity leading to possible mergers. But such mergers are still quite rare and unstable. While our unions and unions in which we work have begun to federate with the NTUI, we have discovered that this federation is a heterogeneous body combining industrial workers, rural and informal workers. Large non-party left forces are active in it, although some undesirable NGO-type elements are also there. Mutual learning among these powerful working class forces and struggling steadfastly against alien elements could deliver both a strong working class movement and a firm left unity.  

         

Two documents on International Communist Movement


The devastations of imperialist globalisation, wars of aggression and the devastating economic crisis of the imperialist system and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.

In this context a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges, with the people's wars led by Maoist parties as its reference points and strategic anchor. The realisation of this potential ultimately depends on how successful the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties are in fulfilling their revolutionary tasks at national and international level. The pooling of their understanding and experience and the development of their capacity to take a united revolutionary message to the rebellious masses all over the world, have decisive importance. Unfortunately there has been a lag in this matter. This is severely compounded by the crisis in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), which is now defunct.

In this situation steps need to be taken to work for the building of an effective international MLM organization that can aid the fulfilment of revolutionary tasks and take the collective voice of the Maoists to the proletariat and struggling peoples. Therefore, we should move towards holding a new conference of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world. This conference should take up the task of building an international organization based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

It is appropriate that this task should be informed by the positive and negative experiences of RIM, given its experience in building and functioning as an international organisation during its nearly three decades of existence. As part of the work for the conference and the building of an international organization we need a summation worked out by all the parties and organization which has been part of this experience. Here we put forward some preliminary views.

1.      Following Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, the Chinese revisionists seized political power through a military coup d’état, thus causing the Communist Party of China (CPC) to degenerate into a revisionist party––overthrowing proletarian political power, bringing down socialism, and transforming revolutionary China into reactionary China. Moreover, the emergence of the Hoxhaite revisionist line in the Party of Labour of Albania, influenced a certain number of communist parties and organizations throughout the world, and ended up producing a serious assault on the international communist movement.

Despite this context of defeat, some Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, that did not follow either the Chinese or Hoxhaite variants of revisionism, though few in number, held the first international conference of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in 1980 and passed a Joint Communiqué, A Call to the Proletariat and the Oppressed Peoples of the World. Although this conference did not result in the creation of a stable international organization it prepared the ground for a second international conference in 1984.

The formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) in this second conference of 1984 was a positive international, theoretical and practical endeavour that responded to the ideological, political and organizational needs and necessities of the international communist movement in the circumstances of a period defined by the crisis that had engulfed the communist movement following the defeat of the Chinese revolution.

The Declaration of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement that was passed at this conference - on the basis of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism (Mao Zedong Thought as it was then termed) and a principled opposition to the modern Russian and Chinese revisionism (as well as the Hoxhaite dogmato-revisionism) - provided a basic ideological-political framework for the foundation of the movement .

2.      In its past three decades of struggles the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, since it was based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, achieved important theoretical and practical gains that were principled and worthy of further development. The documents passed in the international conferences and the expanded meetings of RIM (like the Declaration of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and the Millennium Resolution), despite some of their deficiencies and shortcomings, were all important theoretical contributions to the advancement of the Movement, as part of the international communist movement. The internationalist support to the people’s war in Peru and PCP, including the historical campaign in defence of Dr: Abimael Guzman, the contribution and support for the start and continuation of the people’s war in Nepal for its ten years, the publishing of the journal A World To Win in several languages that allowed to make known ideological and political understandings and analysis of the Movement and its parties and organizations in different countries, and statements issued have been notable features of the role played by the RIM in the international communist movement.

3.      The founding conference of the RIM had recognised the necessity of building a new communist international of a new type. To realize this, the Declaration of the RIM correctly identified the twin tasks of evolving ‘a general line and a correct and viable organisational form, conforming to the complex reality of the present-day world and the challenges it poses.’

4.      The interim committee – conceived as an embryonic political center - was formed with the task of working for the process of furthering the ideological, political and organisational unity of communists, including the preparation of a draft proposal for a general line for the communist movement. But this task was not fulfilled by the Corim and the RIM could not reach this goal.

5.      In the experience of RIM, the existence of such a center, formed for enabling a consistent and unified role for this Movement has given mixed results. There were some good results. There have also been serious lapses, hegemonic tendencies in functioning that negated the collectiveness that was the RIM, sorely undermined its unity, hindered the incorporation of more MLM parties and thus blocked the fulfilment of the tasks it had set for itself.

The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life and methods correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization. It should function with the competency and commitment to work within the framework of the decisions and agreements of the international organization as decided in its conferences and other meetings. As in all other matters, here too, the consistent defence, application and development of MLM and the fulfilment of their own internationalist tasks and obligations by the individual parties are the ultimate guarantee.
In spite of its positive aspects, our Movement could not fulfil the tasks it had taken up and entered a crisis. When revisionism of Bob Avakian’s post-MLM 'new synthesis' variety became dominant in the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA and of the Prachanda-Bhattarai variety became dominant in the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), not only did these parties deviate from the path of revolution and communism, but the destructive and disparaging effects of their counter-revolutionary lines negatively affected the parties and organizations within RIM, specifically the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), in an extensive and profound manner. These are the immediate ideological sources that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM.

We propose the convening of an international conference in order reactivate and reorganize an international organization. We believe that this task must be jointly taken up with the involvement of the Maoist parties leading people’s wars, and all the Maoist forces, including those outside the RIM, so that the conference will benefit from their views and experiences. In order to achieve this aim a process of ideological, political debate must be carried out. As part of preparation for the conference and serving its aims, we will it necessary to organise a seminar on ‘Summation of Experiences of RIM, ICML, and other International Initiatives.’

Through this whole process the points of unity and differences can be identified and a relatively advanced platform can be arrived at, to become the basis of a new international unity concretised in a new international organisation. In the current circumstances, the execution of this revolutionary responsibility can demonstrate a practical expression of the internationalist communist slogan, “workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite.” It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.

With revolutionary greetings,

Signed and diffused from

Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan;
 Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari];
 Maoist Communist Party - Italy;

May first 2012

Document 2:
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The imperialist system is going through the most severe crisis since the 1930s. The current attempts to address and overcome the crisis only serve to deepen and extend it.

The structural crisis that emerged in the field of finance has gradually extended to the field of production, bringing about a deepening recession. The crisis proceeds under the law of uneven development within the pursuit of the maximum extortion of surplus value and the contention on the world market.

The crisis has its origin in the laws of running of the capitalist system itself. It is the expression of the limits of production for profit, and the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production, including the general and global nature of the production and private appropriation. In the world scene this means an ever growing gap between the wealth of a handful of imperialist countries and the poverty of three quarters of human beings in the countries oppressed by imperialism, between the wealth in the hands of the bourgeoisie and the relative and absolute impoverishment of proletarians and masses in the imperialist countries , between the overflowing richness of a parasitic and comprador bourgeoisie and the living conditions of misery and hunger of the proletariat and broad masses in the countries oppressed by imperialism.

It is clear that a system dominated by these laws, these dynamics, can only go into crisis, and overproduction and capital surplus become factors of crisis.

The phenomena of heightened and speculative “financialization” are the tip of the iceberg of the dynamics of the system, which become point of implosion and explosion.

The “financialization” of the economy – the main immediate cause of the crisis – tends to reject any control. So the efforts of capitalism and its ruling imperialist powers to get out of crisis through regulation and control of the financial markets and use of the opportunities offered by high growth rates, even if disarticulated, of some countries such as China, India and Brazil have so far not succeeded. Although these efforts should not be underestimated, they cannot ensure more than a temporary recovery, one which opens the door to new and even more distressing crises.

The world is still faced with two possibilities: the exit from capitalism or a painful temporary recovery from this crisis by strengthening, enhancing the mechanisms of capital and thus prolonging the misery of the masses.

The imperialist bourgeoisie all over the world take advantage of the crisis to restructure imperialism on a global scale and save the interests of their class for their profits.

This leads to unloading the vicious weight of the crisis on the workers and masses. In both the oppressed countries and imperialist countries, unemployment, job insecurity and the cost of living increase, exploitation is ratcheted up to modern forms of slavery, workers' rights are reduced, social achievements won through years of struggles are erased, factories are closed with massive layoffs, peasants are ruined and driven to suicide, cuts in social expenditures and privatization of education and healthcare grow, the logic of commodification and profit is extended even to primary goods, such as water, air, sun, etc..
These policies are carried out within the contention for domination on the imperialist world market and geopolitical strategic areas, but the unitary character of the policies to unload crisis on the proletarians and the masses is emphatically clear.

The policy of imperialism accentuates and makes more and more catastrophic the effects of the system in terms of ecological and natural disasters. Imperialism transforms factors of development in the field of science, culture and education, information technology, access to media, communication, extension of the freedom of young people and the processes of emancipation of women, into new and more refined chains. In the context of crisis this results in massive intellectual unemployment, social control and most extreme forms of barbarism, new neo medieval attacks on women's rights and the regimentation of youth.
The balance of power among the imperialists is in a flux. Though the US still remains the sole super power its capacities have been considerably weakened, by the resistance of is victims and the crisis. This gave some room for the EU grouping. However similar factors have negatively impacted on their position too. Russia had not been affected so much by the crisis. Through its axis with China and consolidating ties with erstwhile Soviet Union republics, it has gained some advantage and has stepped up contention. Overall collusion is still principal in inter-imperialist relations. But imperialism in crisis, develops within it contradictions that can become potential sources of a new world war. Imperialist powers, mainly the US, unleash and accentuate wars of aggression, invasion, and neo-colonialism in the different regions of the world where their interests are vital or threatened. In developing these wars, it continues with the arms race and gets equipped with more and more devastating military instruments, surpassing all limits enshrined in international conventions and human rights.

One or the other form of fascistic control has always been the norm in oppressed countries, even where a parliamentary system exists. In recent years, a tendency to modern fascism grows inside the imperialist countries also. This takes shape according to the characteristics of history, the reality and the culture of each country. It strives to establish once again the totalitarian, racist, securitarian and police-state forms of the rule of the bourgeoisie.

Imperialism is poverty, reaction and war. The crisis reveals that welfare, democracy and peace become more and more words that cover an opposite substance.

The devastating economic crisis of imperialism and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.

In the countries oppressed by imperialism, the protests, rebellions and liberation struggles have found in the revolts in Arab countries and in the Persian Gulf a new height and a new dawn. Young people, proletarians and the masses and, in some cases, organized sectors of workers, attacked and overthrew dictatorial regimes subservient to imperialism that seemed permanent. This has paved the way for new anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, anti-feudal, new-democratic revolutions.

False anti-imperialist regimes, such as those of Libya, Syria, Iran, and openly pro-imperialist ones such as those in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain. Yemen, Morocco, Algeria, as well as the military regimes that have replaced the reactionary tyrants in Tunisia and Egypt, unleashed massacres and repression. Hiding under the flag of democracy imperialism intervened in these struggles and maneuvered to remove unreliable regimes and replace worn out servitors with new ones. It launched a war and occupied Libya. But the wave of "Arab springtimes" continue. Globally they have achieved an important position as a new front in the battle between imperialism and the peoples. They join those existing in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. In these countries, the occupation and invasions of imperialists and Zionists have faced heavy resistance. This forced them to reshape their occupation plans and prevented them in a substantial manner from realizing their aims. Apart from the Arab and West Asian countries, people in Latin America, Africa and other regions of Asia have repeatedly taken to the streets to resist the attacks on their livelihoods. The persistent and growing labor strikes and peasant struggles in China is notable.

In this new wave of struggle and resistance we must support and strengthen the struggle for the liberation of peoples and for new democracy, towards socialism and communism, and oppose the pro-Western and Islamist currents which ride the tiger of people’s struggles in order to impose new chains and new subordination to the reactionary classes and their masters of all time, imperialism, mainly of the U.S. and Europe.

The wave of unrest, flaring up of rebellions and struggles involving hundreds of thousands of youth in the imperialist countries is a distinguishing feature of the present world. The exciting uprisings of the proletarian youth, which shakes the imperialist citadels, marks the entry of a new generation. Facing a life without a future, through their rebellions they shout "it is right to rebel" and declare that it is capitalism that has no future. Now fused, now in parallel, this development is coupled to a rise in labor struggles. General strikes have summoned to action the whole workers movement, especially in countries hit hardest by the crisis Greece, Spain, Italy...

The workers' struggles have had a new development in Eastern Europe, where to the bite of wild capitalism following the collapse of false socialist regimes, was added the quick transformation into systems even worse than before.

New waves of immigrants flock to the imperialist countries in hope of a better life. They flee from poverty and war devastations caused by these countries. To reach their destinations they have to put their lives at risk through untold suffering which often turn the seas into cemeteries. The imperialists respond with harsh anti-immigrant laws and racism. The emergence of modern fascism, of police states, the growing frequency of wars of aggression and anti-immigrant laws have been responded to by the masses through the development of anti-fascist and anti-racist movements, and broad movements against the war.
This is the context in which a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges. It has as its reference points and strategic anchor the people's wars led by Maoist parties.
To this we must add the preparation of several new people's wars, particularly in Turkey and South Asia, with the potential for it in Latin America, and throughout the rest of the world, with the constitution of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (MLM) communist parties. In this framework, the new MLM communist parties in the imperialist countries represent the potential for a quantum leap in revolutionary struggle and the unity of the two currents of the world proletarian revolution: the socialist revolution in the imperialist countries and the new democratic revolution, marching towards socialism, in the countries oppressed by imperialism.
All this shows that the principal contradiction in the world is that between imperialism and oppressed peoples, while both the contradictions between the proletariat and bourgeoisie and the inter-imperialist contradictions also sharpen. In the crisis it is increasingly clear that the revolution is the main trend.
In the current international situation the task of communists is to make revolution in the different countries, because the revolution is the only solution to the crisis, the only way out from imperialism and the only road to achieve the ultimate goal of the struggles of the proletarians and oppressed people.

This demands the strengthening and building of MLM communist parties in each country, as a new kind of communist party, as vanguard detachments of the proletariat and leading core of all the people, as a party fighting for the revolution.

In the countries oppressed by imperialism the perspective of people's war is advancing. In India, the people's war led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) successfully withstands unprecedented attacks by the enemy and is able to expand and advance. The people's war in the Philippines led by the Communist Party of the Phillipines advances and establishes itself as an important part of the wave of world revolution. The people's war in Peru, initiated under the leadership of the Communist Party of Peru led by chairman Gonzalo remains an ideological and strategic beacon for the whole international communist movement. Though it faces setback due to the attacks of the enemy and from revisionists within the party, the struggle to overcome these hurdles persists. In Nepal ten years of people's war enriched the history and experience of the international communist movement and made significant advance towards the victory of the new democratic revolution. In recent years, however, a revisionist line that betrays the people’s war and the revolution emerged, headed by Prachanda and Bhattarai. The Maoists within the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [UCPN(M)] must save the revolution and resume its march by revolting against that line and standing firm against centrist vacillations, inside and outside the party. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggles led by the Maoists are advancing in the pursuit of the people's war strategy suited to the conditions of this country, placed as it is amidst two international theatres, the European imperialist countries and the regimes ruled by the reactionaries in West Asia. In other countries of South Asia and Latin America, the people's war is in preparation for new beginnings and progresses. It is a task of communists around the world to put into the practice the proletarian internationalism, popularize and support the people’s wars and revolutionary struggles.

In the imperialist countries, electoralism, parliamentarism and political and union reformism are increasingly in crisis and, through this, revisionism is bankrupt. The need of a revolutionary organization and a revolutionary strategy to overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize the power is increasingly advancing and strengthening in the workers and people's movements.. The idea that as long as the proletarians are not in power it is an illusion to think that their lot will improve is growing. The workers' struggles and the uprisings of proletarians and young people must coordinate and grow within a perspective of overthrowing the governments and states of the imperialist bourgeoisie, for the seizure of power by the proletariat.

In order to transform these needs into reality, these movements into revolution, we need to build MLM communist parties, in the fire of class struggle and in close link with the masses, for the proletarian revolution, with the MLM strategy of the revolutionary war culminating with the insurrection, adapted to each country according to the concrete conditions.

In all countries we need communist parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, able to lead the class struggle in all fields and aimed at seizing the political power. In each country the Maoist communists strive to answer this need for a scientific and determined leadership for the class struggle, by fighting all kinds of revisionist and reformist, or dogmatist and extremist deviations, in all their forms.

Our class can rely on the huge amount of experience through 140 years of struggles and revolutions, from the birth of the glorious Paris Commune through the peaks of the October Revolution, the Chinese revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must learn from both our victories and defeats, from our correctness as well as from our mistakes.

Always in their entire history, the communists have built, participated and counted on an international organization of the proletariat and the oppressed masses. Without the First, the Second and Third International, the communist movement would not have spread to every corner of the world, neither would it have achieved its great victories, and would not have learned the lessons from its temporary defeats.
The battle of Mao Tsetung was an international battle that paved the way to the revival of communist parties after the establishment of Kruschevite revisionism in the international communist movement.
After Mao's death and the end of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) has allowed the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists in the world to begin to unite on an international scale, to resume the march towards a new Communist International.

Today, facing the crisis and the collapse of the RIM, we must rebuild the international organization of MLM parties and organizations on the basis of the positive and negative experiences of the RIM. The current situation presents the need to unite in this new organization all the MLM parties and organizations, inside and outside the RIM, for a political and organizational leap. This is necessary to put the communist movement at the height of the class struggle in the new century. Thus the needs of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, facing the impact of the crisis of imperialism, can be met.

The new international organization must unite in its ranks the genuine MLM parties and organizations that exist and operate in the class struggle, that transform the revolutionary theory into revolutionary practice, that are able to be an advanced and integrant part of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, getting rid of all the old and new waste, not only of revisionism but also of the petty bourgeois revolutionaries and the self-referring "virtualism".

To build this new international organization we must break with revisionism in all its aspects and particularly with those that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM, namely the post-MLM 'new synthesis' of Bob Avakian in the Revolutionary Communist Party,US and the revisionist line established by Prachanda/Bhattarai in the UCPN(M).

The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life must correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization, particularly taking lesson from the positive and negative experiences of the CoRim.

The international organization of MLM communists is and should be the core of a front, of an international anti-imperialist alliance of the proletarians and oppressed peoples.

It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.

Imperialism has no future! The future belongs to communism!

Signed and diffused from

Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan;
Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari];
Maoist Communist Party - Italy;

May first 2012

Appeal for support from Kalinganagar


BISTHAPAN  BIRODHI  JANAMANCHA , SUKHINDA (KALINGANAGAR)
P.O. SUKHINDA Dt JAJPUR  ORISSA

FROM  RABINDRA JARIKA ,SECRETARY
VILLAGE  CHANDIA  PHONE NO- 09938655827

To all democratic parties, organizations and individuals supporting the struggle of the Adivasis and Dalits against forcible displacement.

Dear friends,
The people of India know about the struggle of the Adivasis in Kalinganagar  and the martyrdom of 14 Adivasis in the struggle against forcible land acquisition by the Tatas in 2006. While that struggle is continuing, fresh attacks have started on the villages of Chandia, Baligoth, Chama Kutli, Gobarghati, Garhpur, Belhari and Ambagaria in Kalinganagar. The Tatas want  to broaden the Expressway connecting Daitary Mines to Paradip Port. So they want to evict the Adivasis and acquire their land. The people are opposed to this and they have refused to vacate their villages. Now the Tatas have formed an armed group of nearly 500 men They are all armed with guns..At 11 AM on 30th March 2010, this armed gang assisted by Orissa State Police and some BJD (Biju Janata Dal) activists attacked the village Baligota. 22 villagers including six women got gunshot injuries. The marauder gang dishonoured the women, burnt the houses of the movement leaders and smashed three motorcycles and 25 bicycles. They looted all goats and hen from the village. Since the attack was sudden and the people unprepared, so they could not resist..

The movement against forcible land acquisitions by the Tatas is being led by Bisthapan Birodhi Janamancha, Sukhinda. Our movement is a peaceful and democratic movement. We only want that the right over Jal, Jangal and Jameen should remain with the Adivasis. We appeal to all democrats to kindly restrain the Orissa government  and stop the murderous assault by the Tata armed forces.

We want to point out that there are enough barren lands in Sukhinda which can be used for construction of roads without evicting the Adivasis. We are under siege and it is very difficult for us to communicate with outside world. Please treat this message as an SOS and do something.   JOHAR

Rabindra  Jarika     14 April 2010

RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT THE CONVENTION ON IMPLEMENTATION OF RANGANATH MISHRA COMMISSION IN KOLKATA ON 9 APRIL 2012

The religious minorities in India are victims of deprivation, discrimination and suppression. If democracy is to be meaningful, all communities must get equal opportunities in all spheres of life and the discrimination against the minorities must be abolished. The Sachar Committee had brought out an objective picture about the condition of the Muslims in the country. The Ranganath Mishra Commission has dealt with the problem of all minorities. It should be noted that the Ranganath Mishra Commission has not treated only the Muslims, Christians and Buddhists as minorities but also has treated the Hindus as minorities in the states of Jammu and Kashmir, Nagaland, Mizoram and Lakhadiv.The Commission has recommended several measures for upliftment of minorities.

The Commission submitted its report before the Central Government in 2007. But it is unfortunate that neither the Central Government nor any state government has taken any step towards implementation of recommendations of the Commission. This convention is putting forward the demand to implement the recommendations of the Ranganath Mishra Commission .It is also resolving to build a state-wide movement with the above demands and co-ordinate this movement with similar movements in other states.

The recommendations of the Ranganath Mishra Commission are manyfold. It is natural that its implementation will be a long-drawn process even if the government has the best of intentions. Keeping this in mind, this convention is putting forward the following immediate demands. These demands will also test the intentions of the government.


1. Reserve 15 % of jobs and seats in educational institutions under central government ( 10 % for Muslims and 5 % for other minorities.)

2. In the states, reserve jobs and seats according to the share of the minorities in the respective states. In West Bengal,reserve 30 % of jobs and seats for the minorities (25 % for the Muslims and 5 % for other minorities)

3. Those communities among minorities whose Hindu counterparts have been treated as SC or ST should also be treated as SC or ST. For example, the Rajbanshis are treated as SCs in West Bengal. But those Rajbanshis who have been converted are not treated as SCs. They,too, should be treated as SCs. There are many such examples in the country.

4. All minorities, except those who will be classified as SC or ST should be treated as OBCs. While giving them reservation, the economically weaker sections among them should get the preference. But if the quota of reservation is not fulfilled by candidates from lower income groups, then those reserved seats should be opened to minorities of higher income groups..And, under no circumstances, should they be opened to majority community

In order to build a state-wide movement with the above demands, this convention is appointing a Preparatory Committee in the name of SANJUKTA SANKHYALAGHU SANRAKHAN MANCHA. The names of the members of the committee are given below.


This convention is empowering the Preparatory Committee to make arrangements for a demonstration in Kolkata on 7th May 2012. The Preparatory Committee will organize campaigns in the districts, The expenses of the movement will be borne through collections from friends and well-wishers.

Members of the Committee
Miratun Nahar
Ayesha Khatun
Santosh Rana
Vaskar Nandy
Dilruba Sarkar
Tezarat Hossain
Manisha Banerjee
Khidir Bux
Md Tajmul Haque Dulal
Idris Ahmed
Akram Hossain
Abul Hossain
Taufiq Alam
Munshi Abul Kashem
Debashis Chowdhury
Fireze Hossain
Saleha Begum
Abdus Sukkur
Anwar Hossain
Samudra Dutta

To overcome the crisis of capitalism, proletarian revolution is the only solution!


To overcome the crisis of capitalism,
proletarian revolution is the only solution!

The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons the modern working class the proletarians.
Marx & Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1847


165 years after its writing, this quote remains relevant. It allows us to understand the situation in which the proletariat and the broad popular masses in all countries find themselves, regardless of who leads the government: they live under a concealed dictatorship, be it a bourgeois democratic or a brutal one.

The imperialist bourgeoisie is looking for the maximum rate of profit; it is using the crisis as a pretext to achieve this objective by restructuring the system of production. Within this, the ruling classes in the oppressed countries try to maintain and possibly increase their share in the surplus. Such restructuring is affecting all countries; for the working class and the masses, it means the delocalization of large industries: plant closings, wage cuts, unemployment, debt, impoverishment, etc. But in the places where the new plants are to be opened, restructuring means land grabs, expropriation of local farmers, frenzied exploitation, poverty wages, destruction of the environment, etc.

The ruling classes use the state apparatus to suppress the proletariats struggles and prevent them and the masses from revolting and organizing for the revolution.
Everywhere, the State is more and more becoming a police state that brings the population under surveillance, and repression.

Whether it is the left or right, no segment of the bourgeoisie has the capacity to solve the crisis. The persistence of the crisis prepares the ground for fascism; fascism is advancing in disguise. It is building step by step through populist demagogy, relying on the economic crisis. In due time, it will show its true colors by aggressively defending the interests of finance capital. Meanwhile, competition between the different monopolist blocks raises the question of redivision of markets and therefore suggests new wars are on the horizon.

The class nature of the state is the central issue. The form it takes is only circumstantial. The primary purpose of the state is to serve the interests of the ruling class, that is to say, those of the imperialist bourgeoisie and/or of the comprador-bureaucrat bourgeoisie and landlords in the oppressed nations which is a tiny minority compared to the vast majority of men, women and children who are facing exploitation worldwide. Given the crisis, this is becoming clearer to the masses. The central task of any revolution is to radically destroy the state apparatus and, thereafter, to build on its ruins a new and radically different state, with the objective of building socialism as a means of transition to communism. In other words, revolution is the only answer to the crisis!

Today, the proletariat and the masses are struggling and rebelling in many countries. These rebellions are expressed in different and varying ways: through general strikes, by fighting against high prices, against layoffs, for the right to work, against the crushing of militant trade unions, for the right to land, to protect the environment, through occupation of housing and empty land, youth rebellions against police violence and a life without work, struggles of women, etc.

In the Arab countries, after the uprisings that lacked a revolutionary leadership, the ruling classes and imperialism are regaining control of the situation in the name of democracy; they are enforcing the same rule of exploitation against the people by opposing the continuation of the revolutionary process. The protest movements focus is being diverted by imperialist interventions, by reactionary forces, by secular or religious reformists crushed bloodily.


In the Arab oppressed countries, as well as in all the colonial and semi-colonial countries, it has become more and more important to develop the New Democratic Revolution, as part of the socialist revolution.

In the imperialist countries, the Occupy movement is reflecting the massive discontent of the people, but it does not sufficiently challenge the system in its entirety.
These proletarian struggles and rebellions are not revolutionary in and of themselves but they are a first step in the realization by the masses of the necessity of revolution. However it is important to unmask the path and illusions of a peaceful change, alternation, deceitful elections.

Todays communists (the Maoists) must participate in and gradually take the lead of those struggles. They must build the revolutionary force of the proletariat at the ideological, political and organizational levels, and especially the three essential tools of revolution: a Maoist Communist Party, a revolutionary United Front, and an Armed Force, according to the particular situation.

We must struggle against reformists, revisionists and opportunists who lead the protest struggles with a conciliatory spirit in the existing trade unions and mass organizations; they only offer solutions within the current capitalist and imperialist system, spreading the illusion among the masses that the electoral and peaceful path may be a solution for the proletariat and the masses to overcome the crisis. They are an obstacle to the expansion of class struggle and the organization of the working class and the masses for revolution.


Meanwhile, the reactionaries are using differences of origin, religion and racism to divide the proletariat, the working class and the popular masses, as a trick to preserve their power.

Everywhere we must popularize and support the peoples wars currently being waged as spearhead of the fight against the crisis of imperialism.
Led by the CPI (Maoist), the Peoples War in India is successfully resisting attacks from the enemy and is managing to expand and grow. The Peoples War is also unfolding in the Philippines under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines, which upholds Maoism. In Peru, it is continuing despite the action from a liquidationist current. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggle led by the Maoists is advancing in accordance with the peoples war strategy. In other countries, new initiatives and advances are in preparation.

We must fight in a situation of uneven development to end the capitalist system over the whole world and build a new world free from exploitation, from peoples oppression and deadly wars, for a socialist and communist world.

We must work to rebuild the international organization of communists, based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; we must apply MLM to the concrete reality of today, to jointly develop the struggle for revolution and establishing a Communist International of a new type.

Long Live Internationalist May Day!
Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan; Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari]; Maoist Communist Party France; Maoist Communist Party Italy; Maoist Communist Party of Manipur; Maoist Communist Party Turkey/North-Kurdistan; Revolutionary Communist Party Canada; Founding Committee for the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria; Maoist Communist Movement, Tunisia; Maoist Communist Organization, Tunisia; Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of Morocco; Organization of Workers of Afghanistan (M-L-M); People Struggle Committee Manolo Bello, Galicia; Revolutionary Praxis, UK

Monday, April 30, 2012

Occupy Wall Street: What Is To Be Done... Next?

By Slavoj Žižek 
24 April, 2012
The Guardian


How a protest movement without a program can confront a capitalist system that defies reform
What to do in the aftermath of the Occupy Wall Street movement, when the protests that started far away – in the Middle East, Greece, Spain, UK – reached the center, and are now reinforced and rolling out all around the world?

In a San Francisco echo of the OWS movement on 16 October 2011, a guy addressed the crowd with an invitation to participate in it as if it were a happening in the hippy style of the 1960s:
"They are asking us what is our program. We have no program. We are here to have a good time."
Such statements display one of the great dangers the protesters are facing: the danger that they will fall in love with themselves, with the nice time they are having in the "occupied" places. Carnivals come cheap – the true test of their worth is what remains the day after, how our normal daily life will be changed. The protesters should fall in love with hard and patient work – they are the beginning, not the end. Their basic message is: the taboo is broken, we do not live in the best possible world; we are allowed, obliged even, to think about alternatives.

In a kind of Hegelian triad, the western left has come full circle: after abandoning the so-called "class struggle essentialism" for the plurality of anti-racist, feminist etc struggles, "capitalism" is now clearly re-emerging as the name of the problem.

The first two things one should prohibit are therefore the critique of corruption and the critique of financial capitalism. First, let us not blame people and their attitudes: the problem is not corruption or greed, the problem is the system that pushes you to be corrupt. The solution is neither Main Street nor Wall Street, but to change the system where Main Street cannot function without Wall Street. Public figures from the pope downward bombard us with injunctions to fight the culture of excessive greed and consummation – this disgusting spectacle of cheap moralization is an ideological operation, if there ever was one: the compulsion (to expand) inscribed into the system itself is translated into personal sin, into a private psychological propensity, or, as one of the theologians close to the pope put it:
"The present crisis is not crisis of capitalism but the crisis of morality."
Let us recall the famous joke from Ernst Lubitch's Ninotchka: the hero visits a cafeteria and orders coffee without cream; the waiter replies:
"Sorry, but we have run out of cream, we only have milk. Can I bring you coffee without milk?"
Was not a similar trick at work in the dissolution of the eastern European Communist regimes in 1990? The people who protested wanted freedom and democracy without corruption and exploitation, and what they got was freedom and democracy without solidarity and justice. Likewise, the Catholic theologian close to the pope is carefully emphasizing that the protesters should target moral injustice, greed, consumerism etc, without capitalism. The self-propelling circulation of Capital remains more than ever the ultimate Real of our lives, a beast that by definition cannot be controlled.

One should avoid the temptation of the narcissism of the lost cause, of admiring the sublime beauty of uprisings doomed to fail. What new positive order should replace the old one the day after, when the sublime enthusiasm of the uprising is over? It is at this crucial point that we encounter the fatal weakness of the protests: they express an authentic rage which is not able to transform itself into a minimal positive program of socio-political change. They express a spirit of revolt without revolution.

Reacting to the Paris protests of 1968, Lacan said:
"What you aspire to as revolutionaries is a new master. You will get one."
It seems that Lacan's remark found its target (not only) in the indignados of Spain. Insofar as their protest remains at the level of a hysterical provocation of the master, without a positive program for the new order to replace the old one, it effectively functions as a call for a new master, albeit disavowed.

We got the first glimpse of this new master in Greece and Italy, and Spain will probably follow. As if ironically answering the lack of expert programs of the protesters, the trend is now to replace politicians in the government with a "neutral" government of depoliticized technocrats (mostly bankers, as in Greece and Italy). Colorful "politicians" are out, grey experts are in. This trend is clearly moving towards a permanent emergency state and the suspension of political democracy.

So we should see in this development also a challenge: it is not enough to reject the depoliticized expert rule as the most ruthless form of ideology; one should also begin to think seriously about what to propose instead of the predominant economic organization, to imagine and experiment with alternate forms of organization, to search for the germs of the New. Communism is not just or predominantly the carnival of the mass protest when the system is brought to a halt; Communism is also, above all, a new form of organization, discipline, hard work.

The protesters should beware not only of enemies, but also of false friends who pretend to support them, but are already working hard to dilute the protest. In the same way we get coffee without caffeine, beer without alcohol, ice-cream without fat, they will try to make the protests into a harmless moralistic gesture. In boxing, to "clinch" means to hold the opponent's body with one or both arms in order to prevent or hinder punches. Bill Clinton's reaction to the Wall Street protests is a perfect case of political clinching; Clinton thinks that the protests are "on balance … a positive thing", but he is worried about the nebulousness of the cause. Clinton suggested the protesters get behind President Obama's jobs plan, which he claimed would create "a couple million jobs in the next year and a half". What one should resist at this stage is precisely such a quick translation of the energy of the protest into a set of "concrete" pragmatic demands. Yes, the protests did create a vacuum – a vacuum in the field of hegemonic ideology, and time is needed to fill this vacuum in in a proper way, since it is a pregnant vacuum, an opening for the truly New. The reason protesters went out is that they had enough of the world where to recycle your Coke cans, to give a couple of dollars for charity, or to buy Starbucks cappuccino where 1% goes for the third world troubles is enough to make them feel good.

Economic globalization is gradually but inexorably undermining the legitimacy of western democracies. Due to their international character, large economic processes cannot be controlled by democratic mechanisms which are, by definition, limited to nation states. In this way, people more and more experience institutional democratic forms as unable to capture their vital interests.

It is here that Marx's key insight remains valid, today perhaps more than ever: for Marx, the question of freedom should not be located primarily into the political sphere proper. The key to actual freedom rather resides in the "apolitical" network of social relations, from the market to the family, where the change needed if we want an actual improvement is not a political reform, but a change in the "apolitical" social relations of production. We do not vote about who owns what, about relations in a factory, etc – all this is left to processes outside the sphere of the political. It is illusory to expect that one can effectively change things by "extending" democracy into this sphere, say, by organizing "democratic" banks under people's control. In such "democratic" procedures (which, of course, can have a positive role to play), no matter how radical our anti-capitalism is, the solution is sought in applying the democratic mechanisms – which, one should never forget, are part of the state apparatuses of the "bourgeois" state that guarantees undisturbed functioning of the capitalist reproduction.

Due to their international character, large economic processes cannot be controlled by democratic mechanisms which are, by definition, limited to nation states.

The emergence of an international protest movement without a coherent program is therefore not an accident: it reflects a deeper crisis, one without an obvious solution. The situation is like that of psychoanalysis, where the patient knows the answer (his symptoms are such answers) but doesn't know to what they are answers, and the analyst has to formulate a question. Only through such a patient work a program will emerge.

In an old joke from the defunct German Democratic Republic, a German worker gets a job in Siberia. Aware of how all mail will be read by censors, he tells his friends:
"Let's establish a code: if a letter you will get from me is written in ordinary blue ink, it is true; if it is written in red ink, it is false."
After a month, his friends get the first letter written in blue ink:
"Everything is wonderful here: stores are full, food is abundant, apartments are large and properly heated, movie theaters show films from the west, there are many beautiful girls ready for an affair – the only thing unavailable is red ink."
And is this not our situation till now? We have all the freedoms one wants – the only thing missing is the "red ink": we feel free because we lack the very language to articulate our unfreedom. What this lack of red ink means is that, today, all the main terms we use to designate the present conflict – "war on terror", "democracy and freedom", "human rights", etc – are false terms, mystifying our perception of the situation instead of allowing us to think it.

The task today is to give the protesters red ink.

• This article is based on remarks Slavoj Žižek will be making at an event at the New York Public Library on 25 April, ahead of publication of The Year of Dreaming Dangerously (2012)© 2012 Guardian News and Media Limited
Slavoj Žižek is international director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities

Interview with Basanta - Politburo Member of the Central Committee Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)


1 – How is the recent situation concerning the two line struggle in your party? Have any of the most important contradictions been solved? (Here you can describe the whole situation about the positions of each side, on which we already have a general idea, but also underline the points that are agreed on.)

For a communist party, the two-line struggle is the source of its life. As an object does not exist without contradiction in it, a communist party too does not exist when there is no two-line struggle. However, the two-line struggle does not always have the same level but varies depending upon the content of the issues involved in it. The two-line struggle in our party has sharpened mainly after the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which established the federal democratic republic of Nepal. Monarchy has been abolished from Nepal but not feudalism. Nepal is still a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. External intervention is in the rise. The essence of the ongoing two-line struggle is centred on how to understand this situation and whether to continue with status quo i.e. the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition beautified by cosmetics of the democratic republic or continue struggling to establish People’s Federal Republic in its place.

A few months before, when our CC meeting had just started, chairman Prachanda brought about a long interview in which he revealed so many things on the questions of line. In that interview he categorically said that there is no need now to make a new democratic revolution in Nepal, because the gap between the new democratic revolution and the socialist revolution has narrowed. The major part of it has already been accomplished and the rest can be accomplished when the socialist revolution comes in the agenda. He added that the major task before the party was to develop productive forces by creating conducive atmosphere for the donor countries. This way, he does not even stand in favour of national economy and the national bourgeois. In fact he has been integrated in the imperialist system. Dissolution of the people’s power, submission of the PLA into the hands of Nepal Army through a kind of coup on April 10, 2012, returning of land to the landlords, signing of anti-national treaties like BIPPA and other shameful treaties on water resources with India etc. have made Prachanda-Baburam clique stand in service of Indian expansionism, the regional watchdog of the US imperialism, and their puppets in Nepal. Through this process this clique has betrayed the nation and the class as well.

When the leaders nakedly surrender before imperialism and their running domestic agents, then the two-line struggle does not remain an issue of the party alone. Rather it becomes an issue of the nation and the entire oppressed people as a whole. It must be taken to the masses so that their anti-people and anti-national crimes could be unveiled. Hence, the two-line struggle which we are taking to the masses now is an ideological and political campaign to make the entire oppressed class, nation, sex and region stand by the side of revolutionaries and expose the right revisionists who betrayed the nation and people in the garb of Marxism.

The last Central Committee meeting has taken up a method to deal with organisational problems. First, no committee at any level will take decisions on the basis of majority and minority and second, if there is no unanimity then either ideological group will have right to organise their separate committee meetings, take decisions and implement in their own. In other words, every ideological group in our party is free to take decisions and implement them in practice. Democratic centralism is not active in our party now. The line struggle in the party is now openly taken to the masses. We think the synthesis of this whole process will equip us with deeper ideological grasp to lead the revolution forward.

2 – How is the situation with the People’s Liberation Army? Has the army been dissolved now?
When the formation of People's Liberation Army, Nepal was declared from its first conference in 2000, Chairman Prachanda had said that that PLA would be such a militant strength of the world proletariat that will prevent counter-revolution in the twenty-first century. Surprisingly, after 12 years on April 10, 2012, the "Supreme Commander" of the PLA, chairman Prachanda ordered the Nepal army to stage a coup against the very PLA he gave birth to by encircling their camp and forcing them to surrender. He claimed that it was a bold decision taken on his part but in fact it was a cowardly decision of capitulation before the imperialism, expansionism and various shades of reaction.

3 – How is the content or reflection of the two line struggle concerning the international relations of the party? What do you think about the critics of for example the Communist Party of India (Maoist)? Or other organisations who have similar positions?
Before the two-line struggle surfaced, the international communist movement was critical of our party line. Some parties criticised our party in open, just for example the Communist Party of India (Maoist), Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist), Revolutionary Communist Party of USA etc. and some others placed their critical opinion internally. However, except a few revisionist parties most of the revolutionaries were critical of the line we had adopted then. But when the two-line struggle surfaced in our party the revolutionaries all across the world have shown ideological support to the revolutionary line and the revolutionary faction led by comrade Kiran. The criticism that came from various revolutionary parties was basically correct. And some of them were based on subjective understanding of the situation. However, those criticisms were helpful for our fight against revisionism and defence of revolution and revolutionary line.

4 – How does the opposition consider the Rolpa Congress in 2005? Has it played any role in the present situation?
Our party had held a Central Committee meeting, not the Congress, at Chunwang in Rukum, not Rolpa, in 2005. We adopted a new tactic of the democratic republic from that very meeting. We said it was a tactical shift. It was definitely a turning point from which we took a path of the Constituent Assembly and it has made us arrive at this point. Definitely, the Chunwang line has to do with the present situation to develop. But Chunwang too did not emerge from vacuum. So, we have to have a thorough summation of the past, which we have not done till now. In order to have a rich summation I think we must focus on the Chunwang Meeting, the Second National Conference and even before. And also we have to sum up our position on "The development of democracy in the twenty-first century".

5 – What does the opposition think about having a Party Congress? Is the fact of not having held a Congress for many years, one of the reasons that support the bureaucratisation inside the party?
Of course, not having a party congress for quite a long time, 20 years, is one of the reasons that support bureaucratisation inside the party. But, this is not the only and the principal reason. The main reason behind the present condition to happen is the ideological and political degeneration on the part of main leadership. Party congress can be helpful to resolve the problem and it should be regularised too. But, party Congress is not possible at present, not because we don't want it to happen, but because there is no conducive environment required to organise a thorough discussion on the questions involved in the two-line struggle.

6 – Do you think that the conflict can be solved without any split in the party? To what extend does the opposition would risk that?
It is the revolutionaries who want a strong party to make revolution. The revolutionary strength primarily is measured by the correctness of ideological and political line and secondarily by the dimension of organisation and material strength they have. Therefore, the revolutionaries must have a principal thrust in building a correct ideological and political line and then a correct organisational line that helps unite more in the party to strengthen its material base.

Chairman Mao has very explicitly shed light on who is the real splinter. He said they are the splinters who deviate from Marxism. The right revisionists deviate from the strategic vision of socialism and so they are the splinters. In this sense, Prachanda-Baburam clique is the splinter. Now we are waging a sharp two-line struggle to defend and develop a correct line. As a consequence, it is bringing about transformation in the comrades and strengthening the revolutionary pole. With the development of situation, the revolutionaries will reorganise and consolidate a revolutionary centre to lead the revolution forward and the revisionists will go after their way in the service of imperialism. Marxism and revisionism cannot go side by side for long in a communist party.

7 – What is the content of the definition of a 21st Century Socialism? What do both sides think about that?
Democracy of the 21st century is a new concept that our party had put forward in 2001. It is indeed a political methodology suggested to practice in the new democratic or socialist society to prevent counter-revolution. It focuses on a few points. First, it proposes to develop a political mechanism that ensures people's supervision and control in all the three fronts of party, government and army after the revolution has been completed. Second, multiparty competition should be guaranteed. Third, the main leadership should not involve in running day to day politics but should engage in the ideological and political works. Fourth, even the second and the third rank leaders should participate in the government not in recurrent but in rotational basis. Fifth, PLA should be small in strength but sufficient enough to train the masses and must not cut off its relation with them by stationing in the barracks etc. It suggests that it should be practiced in both new democratic or socialist society.

In the situation when revolution has not been completed and PLA has been dissolved the questions raised in the first, third, fourth and the fifth point do not have any sense at present. The remaining second point, the multiparty competition, has been extremely useful for Prachanda-Baburam clique, which is dressing in to practice parliamentary politics under the imperialist system. Therefore, the revisionist clique led by Prachanda and Baburam lauds it too much because it has been a useful tool for this clique to confuse the people and allure them towards multi-party system.

The revolutionary faction led by comrade Kiran has not comprehensively summed up this concept after two-line struggle broke out in our party. In general, we still think that this concept can help a lot to stop restoration of capitalism by the revisionists hiding in the communist party and the PLA can be saved from bureaucratization to defend revolution. But, this concept too divides into two. We can reach to a correct and comprehensive synthesis only after we accomplish new democratic revolution and put this concept into practice.

8 – When the CPN (Maoist) made the 12-point agreement and thereafter we supported almost every step of the CPN (Maoist) concerning the very useful manoeuvre of elections and the content of the agreement about how the arms would be kept and etc. We thought that it was riskful, but the bourgeoisie/imperialism would always present occasions to take up arms again, and it did so. Many times indeed. But the UCPN (M) insisted on keeping with the agreements, which were already broken by the other side (bourgeoisie) of the agreement, and which were not serving the revolution any more. What was the reason for this? Looking back from today, we are reconsidering our position concerning this. What would you say?
Adoption of democratic republic as a tactic from Chunwang meeting in 2005 and the 12-point agreement that followed with Nepalese parliamentarian parties in Delhi have had an important role to play in this whole process. In the meeting it was unanimously agreed that this very tactic would help create a strong revolutionary base in the cities, a necessary precondition for people's insurrection to seize central power. We came to the cities to consolidate our strength. But, whatever we had gained during tumultuous ten years of people's war has gone out of our hand now. Recently chairman Prachanda has revealed what he had agreed with Indian expansionist ruling classes in Delhi before reaching 12-point agreement. In an interview to an Indian newspaper, The Hindu, on 16th of April, 2012, he says, "The journey that began in Delhi with the 12-point agreement has now arrived at a conclusion." He gave this interview to The Hindu right after he ordered the Nepal army to stage a coup against the PLA in the cantonments. It reveals the fact that Prachanda-Baburam clique had surrendered before their expansionist masters to get the 12-point agreement signed with parliamentarian parties.

Prachanda-Baburam clique said that it was a tactic to accomplish revolution. But it has been proved now that it was a tri-partite grand strategy that the Indian ruling classes, Nepali parliamentarian parties and the Prachanda-Baburam clique had designed to bring the Nepalese revolution to an end. It shows Prachanda and Baburam not only lied before the Nepalese toiling masses and the world proletariat but also conspired against them.

9 – The CPI (Maoist) criticises you, beside many other points, with not considering the position of the bourgeoisie in the correct way. As far as we understand, they say that the UCPN (Maoist) has put too much emphasis on the fight against feudalism (liquidation of the monarchy etc) but it has not with the bourgeoisie in the correct way, which has caused a never-ending agreement with the bourgeoisie. What do you think on this?
This is very important and timely question. Personally I think comrades of the CPI (Maoist) have raised their finger at a correct point. Although, our ideological faction led by comrade Kiran has not yet reached to a comprehensive synthesis, this is one of the political issues upon which the ongoing two-line struggle has rooted.

The new democratic revolution has two aspects, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist. These two aspects are inseparably integrated. But, in our party there were some differences in understanding this relation from the very beginning. Baburam, unlike other leaders, used to emphasize more on the struggle against monarchy than on the struggle against external intervention. Masses used to understand this as a pro-Indian stance. In addition to this, he had a wrong position that there should be a sub-stage of democratic republic prior to new democratic revolution. When the Phuntiwang CC meeting held in 2004 decided to intensify people's war with a slogan of national independence, Baburam seriously opposed this position. Consequently, the two-line struggle sharpened and attacks and counter-attacks like pro-Indian and pro-King between Prachanda and Baburam followed. Party reached at the verge of split. But, not later than one year in 2005 Prachanda and Baburam both stood dramatically at one point in Chunwang with a new tactic of democratic republic. In fact it was a big political victory for Baburam over Prachanda. Baburam, in that very meeting, said that he was absorbed in Prachanda and for the whole of his life he would never challenge but help him as a second man.

Now, we have arrived at the present scenario. Ever since Chunwang meeting, Baburam's line is leading our party. Now it is explicitly clear that it was not Baburam who was absorbed in Prachanda in Chunwang meeting but it was Prachanda who was absorbed in Baburam. When both of them agreed to adopt democratic republic as a tactic in form and the strategy in essence it was obvious for this clique to put emphasis on the fight against monarchy and have a long term compromise with Indian expansionist ruling classes and their puppets in Nepal.

10 – Don't you think that opposition was too late to understand party's sliding towards wrong direction?
It is not that we did not smell any wrong with our party leadership. We believed him more than necessary. It was our weakness. We are not too late but we were late too. Still we think it is a secondary aspect. The principal aspect is that revolution has been rescued from a big danger of right liquidation. When we were certain that revolution was in danger we raised finger against both line and leadership. In the long course of sharp two-line struggle we have a team of tested leaders and cadres and our revolutionary line is developing. Ultimately, Marxism will prevail over revisionism and the New Democratic Revolution will triumph in Nepal.

Interviewed by MLCP, Turkey

Basanta
Politburo Member of the Central Committee
Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)