Monday, March 8, 2010

Wapasi (Coming Back)

Hari Prakash Sharma

It was to be a two-minute stop.
  Cold wing engulfed him as he opened the door. Pulling the collar up to his ears, he hurriedly got off the train, dragging the luggage behind him.
  A long whistle, and the train moved. Quietly, he watched the cars creep by. And then there he was. All alone. Dark, all over. No. There, on that side, was some light. The railway office, maybe. A small kerosene lamp resting on a crooked pole, glimmering. A human figure quickly moved in and out of the small patch of light. Again, everything still and sark.
  Perhaps the letter didn’t arrive after all, he thought. But he had mailed it a week ago, “Express,” too. Did he get off at the wrong station? He couldn’t possibly see the signs. All he knew was to take the third station from Unnao. Perhaps he did not count them right. He looked at shining dial of his watch. Four o’clock. What to do? He couldn’t stand there indefinitely, nor could he leave his luggage there. Lifting his suitcase and the hold-all, he began to move toward the lamp.
  Someone was coming. A hand lamp swinging back and forth in rhythm. Nothing else could be seen. Gradually, the light came closer and finally focused on his face.
  “Who’s that? Raji?”
  “Yes, Babuji,” he said. Dropping the two bags, he moved forward and bent down to touch his father’s feet.
  “Be blessed, my son,” Babuji pulled him up. A close and long embrace.
  A soft mumble, “I am glad you came.”
  “You do have luggage, don’t you?” Babuji asked in a quickly changed tone. “Leave it, leave it here, it will come,” and then in a voice full of exhilaration and command shouted toward the office, “O Shambhu! Come here. Quick. Take these bags home.”
  A man came running and picked up two pieces.
  “I was wondering if you got my letter,” Rajiv said as they walked toward the office.
  “Oh yes, the letter came alright. I got it four days ago.… Did you have any trouble changing at Kanpur? I was thinking to send a man there.…”

A small one-room office with an even smaller verandah in the front.
  Out there along the wall, were perhaps banana trees. One couldn’t be sure in the dim light.
  A black dog was stretched out on the weighing machine on the verandah.
  Rajiv followed his father into the office. It was bright. A kerosene lamp with a clean, oval-shaped chimney sat on a large table. Piles of thick, sandy brown paper on the table, too. A wooden inkstand, completely blackened and smeared with ink. On one side of the room was the booking window. A big almirah full of tickets standing nearby, with a big padlock on a hasp. In still another corner was the telegraph machine continuously pouring out its usual sound: gat-gar-gar-gat…
  Rajiv took this in at a glance. The same familiar scene. He had seen this ever since he was old enough to see things. At several stations, one after another, but the same thing over and over again.…
  “Let me send the departure message,” Babuji said, and he went over to the telegraph machine.
  Gat-gar-gar-gar-gat gat-gat-gar-gar…
  The middle finger of his right hand moved rapidly, sending the message. Standing by the table, Rajiv looked at Babuji: a blanket covering him from the head down to his knees, a tahmad hanging down to the ankles, woollen socks, and toeless sandals. It seemed that Babuji had become weaker in these few months. These odd night hours in the winter, at his age.
  He sat down on the wooden chair by the table.
  Babuji noticed it. “Sleepy?” he asked, and without waiting for an answer he called out loud, “Shambhu!”
  “He has gone with the bags,” Rajiv reminded him.
  Gar-gat-gar-gat gat-gar-gar-gar-gat gar-gar-gat-gat
  The same language of three sounds. Years ago, when he was still in high school, how much effort he had put into it. Babuji kept pressuring him. If only picked up a bit, Babuji would say, he could get a job on the railway soon after matriculation. But…
  The message had been sent. “I doubt if got any sleep on the train,” Babuji said, as he sat on his chair across the table.
  “No. Hardly any. Had to change at Kanpur around midnight.”
  Babuji put on his glasses and began to make entries in the register in front of him.
  Darkness stood firm outside. Frosty, biting cold. Rajiv couldn’t take his hands out of his coat pockets. His fingers touched the pack of cigarettes in his right pocket. He got this sudden urge to smoke. But, no, not in front of Babuji.…
  “How are things in Delhi? How are Pappu and Tunni?”
  “Fine. Everyone is fine.”
  He remembered that just a few moments ago there was something he had wanted to ask Babuji. He couldn’t. And he began to wonder why he didn’t. Should he ask now?… He couldn’t help smiling to himself. How strange it was. It wasn’t a big thing he wanted to ask. Did he always work at nights these days, that’s all. A sort of formality. Even then he kept wondering whether to ask or not.… It had always been like this. Whenever he was alone with Babuji he couldn’t find things to talk about. If something did come to his mind he would wonder whether to say it or not. How to say it, in what tone of voice? By that time Babuji himself would say something, or some other interruption would occur and his own thought would get lost in his mind. Not that it was his nature. Only in the company of Babuji.…
  “Why didn’t you bring Munni along?”
  “I asked her. She said it would disturb her studies. The finals are in April.”
  “What disturbance? In a few days? Could have come and met with us.”
  Rajiv did not answer. He noticed wrinkles on Babuji’s forehead. His face looked strangely serious. Whenever something he didn’t like occurred, his face always took on some such expression. Rajiv had seen this sice his childhood. He knew Babuji did not like their sending Munni through school. She was past sixteen already. They should worry about her marriage instead. What good would all this schooling do?… Yes, now is the time to ask.…
  “Do you work night shifts these days?”
  The forehead retuned to normal. “Yes.”
  “Must be very hard on you. In such cold weather.…”
  “No, it isn’t.” And suddenly his expression changed again — as if he did not like Rajiv downplaying his difficulties.
  “It is just a matter of passing time. Somehow.…”
  Rajiv looked at his father’s face. Pain all over. The eyes were still fixed on the register below, but clearly his mind was somewhere else.
  A small thing, but a big pang hit Rajiv. The whole context came alive, filling him with guilt and shame. Then, suddenly, he felt an intense tenderness and compassion for his father. Wasn’t there something he could do to wash off that sadness, that pain…? He wished he could comfort his father — as one does a child, tenderly, affectionately, assuringly.…
  Footsteps outside. It was Shambhu.
  “You back? Good. Take Raji home, will you?” A sense of relief in Babuji’s voice. “Go home, son, and sleep. You must be tired.… Don’t bother unpacking your hold-all. My bedding might still be spread out.”
  “Yes.” Rajiv came out of the room.
  “Ay Shambhu, don’t forget to take lamp with you. It is dark.”
  “Yes, Babuji.”
  The air outside was cold and refreshing. Rajiv lit a cigarette as he stepped off the verandah. It was alright to smoke in front of mother.

Thick bushes on both sides of the narrow footpath. Rajiv watched each step behind Shambhu’s, yet his feet kept tangling with something.
  That, perhaps, was the house out there. A lighted door, framing a tall silhouetted figure. Was it Ma?… Of course, who else.…
  “You came alone, didn’t you? I have been telling your father no one else would come.” Mother’s voice reached him while he was still some distance away.
  “Ram-Ram Amma,” Rajiv said, coming close and bending down to touch her feet.
  “Have a long life my son.” She stroked his head. A mellow, almost moist voice.
  “I have been up all night. Looking at the clock again and again. The train has come late, too.”
  The train was not late, but this was mother’s habit. She always thought the train was late when someone was to come.
  A square like room. High ceiling. Walls white and bare, except for the few clothes hanging on nails in a corner. What had happened to all those pictures — family pictures, pictures of various gods and goddesses, embroidered velvets, all framed in glass? Rajiv recalled the childhood days when, with great excitement, they would put them up every time Babuji was transferred to a new station. A solid line of framed pictures binding all the four walls. Must be lying in some trunk. Who would put them up?
  A lantern hung on a nail in the middle of an open door that led into another room.
  “It is a beautiful house. Three rooms like this. Kitchen, bathroom too. And a large courtyard…,” Amma was saying with childlike excitement.
  Babuji’s bed was spread on a cot in a corner. Mussed up, a rumpled quilt on top. The wooden frame squeaked as Rajiv sat on the cot to undo his shoes. Amma sat in front of him on a little round cane chair, asking questions about everyone in Delhi.
  He was really sleepy now. Had been sitting up all night on the train. Too much trouble getting the pajamas out now, and he slipped under the quilt in his underwear. Ah, how nice. What a delight, stretching out the legs.
  Amma noticed she wasn’t getting full answers. She started picking up Rajiv’s clothes from the chair and hanging them on the nails.
  “It is nice that you came, Raji. Have to have something to show the world. People do gossip, you know. Four grown-up sons. Not one showed up in six months. You can’t stop people from talking.”
The air became heavy all of a sudden. Why is Ma saying all this now? He was about to fall asleep, too.
  “There isn’t any hanger around. Brought only one from Delhi. That is used up with your father’s coat and pants. What shall I do with your pants?”
  “Just hang them up on the nails,” Rajiv felt relieved.
  But Amma continued: “He hardly talks with anyone these days. Making the time somehow. Who is to blame? Who is there to be angry at? Suffering within. His body isn’t half what it was. One’s own sons have become strangers. What hopes he had!”
  This is so unpleasant. Not now. Rajiv wished he could fall asleep.
  “Could you move the lantern, Amma? The light is too bright.”
  Amma took a long breath. Lowering the wick, she put the lantern down on the floor. “Go to sleep, son.” And she walked into the other room.

Rajiv does not want to remember unpleasant things. Is it necessary to keep thinking of the past?
It is a beautiful morning. The sun is out and bright. The morning fog is broken. Miles and miles of clear landscape. Clean, brisk, invigorating air. Rajiv hasn’t seen such a clear, beautiful morning in a long, long time. Everything in its pure, natural form. Pure sunshine. Unadulterated air. No, the air is not unadulterated. It carries with it the dampness of the morning dew. It carries with it the smells from that vast landscape of fields — out there, beyond the railway tracks — scattered on which are the numerous patches of mango groves. The smells of ripe sugarcane, of mustard flowers, of pea pods, of ears not yet filled with wheat but only with milky juice. All this, and much more, the air carries with it. Things it doesn’t carry are dust, smoke, suffocating poisons.… Rajiv wished he could spend his entire winter vacation there. But how? He had to go to Lucknow and Allahabad too. A long-standing obligation to old friends there.
  The morning train came, made its short stop, and left. Everything stirred up for a little while. From where he sat, Rajiv could see Babuji quickly pacing his way to the brakeman’s car. Now it is all quite again. The few people on the platform are gone too. A sound is left, though — the sound of departing train — gradually becoming softer and softer. Is there really a sound, or does he only think there is? Maybe, just the echo, still lingering in the ears.
  “What shall I make for lunch?” Amma was standing by the open door.
  “What? Lunch after what you just fed me?”
  “Come, now. You will be hungry in a little while.… This is bad here. No market around for fresh vegetables. Have to send someone to Unnao every other day. There is a cauliflower from yesterday. Shall I cook it? And karhi and rice?”
  A man was coming from the railway office. It was Shambhu again.
  “Namaste, bhaiyaji,” he greeted Rajiv and handed over a bag to Amma. “Babuji said he would be home soon.”
  “Ay Shambhu! Has someone gone to Unnao or not? There are no vegetables for the evening,” Amma asked Shambhu, who had already gone halfway back.
  “Yes, Ammaji. Maiku has gone.”
  Amma pulled out the contents of the bag Shambhu had brought. A bottle of locally distilled liquor.
  Rajiv looked at Ma’s face. A twist on her lips. Wrinkles on her forehead.
  “This goes on here too?” he asked.
  “What do you think? Not a day goes without.… But he has cut down much. I myself measure a pint every night. That’s all.” Looking for a moment at Rajiv’s face, she continued, “He cannot leave it. Even the doctor said it would do him harm if he gave up completely.… It isn’t the same thing, son. Not like the old days. No fights with anyone. No shouting. Whatever he has to say he says to me only.”
  “But doesn’t he bother you?”
  “I am not the one to be bothered by him. Beyond his reach. If I were to fear him, I couldn’t have raised you all.”
  The pots rattled in the kitchen, distracting Amma’s attention.
  “Ah, this cat! God knows when I am going to get rid of it.” Amma rushed into the house.
Memories. Numerous impressions printed on a large, lifelong canvas. Things Rajiv doesn’t want to remember keep coming alive.… Two little brothers sharing a little desk. Face-to-face, with a lantern in the middle. Open books before them, but they cannot read. In the other room Babuji is shouting loudly while eating his meal… jhannn.… There goes the brass plate, with food on it. Small metal bowls rolling over. Two pairs of the little eyes met each other. Eyes filled with fear. Eyes with tiny tears floating in the corners.… Amma’s loud curses hitting the walls, hitting the sky. No evil wish is spared.… There go the kicks, the blows. Several pairs of little hands try to pull Babuji back. The younger ones cry in bed. Tearing the roof apart by their cries. A crowd outside. But no one dares interrupt. The ones who do soon become the victims of his rage.… Midnight. The entire station staff is running wild. Finally they found him on the railway track near the distant outer signal. Determined to kill himself. Oh, God. What a miraculous escape. The through train was due in a few minutes. Now tied to the cot with a rope. Amma spread out on the floor. Head swollen from violently hitting the concrete. But still cursing. Cursing loud. Cursing him. Cursing her fate. Cursing the sky. Cursing the children. Cursing the neighbours for bringing him back alive. A few little hands busy wiping foam on the father’s mouth. The others trying to calm the mother.… Night after night. Something or the other. With the growing dusk grew the number of heartbeats. With the growing dusk little prayers would go up. Please, God, Divine. Not tonight. Please. And on nights when nothing happened flowers bloomed in the little hearts. Spring colours glowed on cheerful little faces. But how few were such nights.… In the school, on the playground, in the little bazaar of the town, wherever they went, people whispered: “There they are. Children of…” Some smiled. Some sympathised.
  Cursed, haunted childhood. Again and again, Rajiv’s mind rebelled. Again and again, he wished he could free himself by severing all his ties. How many times he wished he were someone else’s son. To say it out loud that he had nothing to do with them. But was it easy to disown parents, to severe blood bonds? Slowly and gradually they kept growing. Kept going to schools. Powerful is man’s capacity to adapt. To be able to live in all kinds of circumstances. Life went on. Years rolled by. Babuji did not change. But many other things did. First, Bhaiya — the older brother — got out. Finished his B.A., found a job in Delhi, and went away. Then Rajiv left. Followed by Sanjiv and then by Pradeep. Lastly, Munni came to Delhi, too. They are all in Delhi. It was ten years ago when Bhaiya first left. Ten long years. He started with a twenty-rupees-a-month room; they now have a large, five bedroom house of their own. Starting as a salesman, Bhaiya is now a branch manager of a big foreign firm. Rajiv teaches at the university. He also spent two years at Oxford on a scholarship. Sanjiv is a textile engineer in a large mill. Pradeep is studying medicine. Munni has started college, too. Full, wholesome lives. Bhaiya was married a long time ago. Since then Rajiv and Sanjiv were married, too. They all lived together.
  Babuji and Amma were left alone. A gulf in between. A gulf that became wider and wider as the years went by. On holidays, on vacations, when they visited their children, they felt like guests, like strangers in a very different world.

Then came the day when Babuji retired from his job. It was one thing to pack everything and come to Delhi with Amma, quite another to become part of the life there. Rajiv remembers how apprehensive they all were about their coming. There was no choice, though. With some adjustment a room was vacated for Babuji and Amma. But they weren’t pieces of furniture to stay wherever they were place. They needed something more than a room to themselves. That something could not be given. Everyone was busy. Out, all day long. In their room, busy with their work when at home. Hardly any time to sit around and chat. Women were busy too. Munni with her homework. Rajiv’s wife was a college teacher. Sanjiv’s was finishing her M.A. Bhabhi — Bhaiya’s wife — was the only one around the house. But managing the large household and looking after her two small children were more than enough for her.
  And before long Babuji began to realise that he shouldn’t have come to Delhi. He felt ignored, left out. Annoyed when he noticed that Amma would take sides with boys. All day long she would sit with him, even gossiping about the sons and daughters-in-law. But come the evening, with everyone back home, she would go over to them, talking away.
  On his retirement Babuji had resolved to give up drinking. This didn’t last even two weeks. Visits began to the contractor’s shop. But these were no longer the days of being a stationmaster, when bottles would just arrive without worry. Now he needed cash every time he visited the shop. Rows over money occurred with mother. The fixed pension money could not be squandered like that. But it wasn’t only money. Evenings became noisy. Silent, day-long resentments would find an outlet at nights. One morning, while leaving for work, Bhaiya laid it out plainly. It was Delhi and a neighbourhood of civilised people. One couldn’t shout around here like that. When the night came on that day, his voice was louder than ever. It seemed that Babuji had consumed two nights’ quota in one. “Those people out there are civilised! What are we? Bums? Scoundrels? We, whose seed brought you to life…” An outburst that didn’t seem like it would stop. Windows began to open in the neighbouring houses. Curious, worried heads sticking out. And then, all limits of decency were crossed. Rajiv does not want to remember the behaviour they all engaged in that night. Everyone screaming. Next morning they gave them a collective ultimatum. Not one more day. Go, where you want to. You can’t live here any more. Babuji and Amma left. No one knew where they went. A letter came some weeks later. After much running around Babuji was able to get a three-year extension on the railway job and was posted at this branch line station near Unnao. The rest of their things were sent away. That was six months ago. A few letters in-between, and Rajiv had come to spend a part of his winter vacation with his parents.

Abruptly, he threw the unfinished cigarette away. How long had Babuji been standing by his side?
  “Did you get enough sleep?”
  “Sort of. Got up at eight.… Is this today’s paper? Do you get papers here?”
  “Yes. With the morning train. I get it in Urdu for myself. Asked for this English one for you.” And he handed over a copy of the Pioneer to Rajiv.
  “For me?”
  “Yes. I told the man yesterday. Knew you would be coming this morning.”
  Rajiv suddenly remembered the Urdu books he had brought for Babuji, knowing how much he liked reading fiction in his spare time. He went inside the house to fetch the books. Also a pair of woollen socks and a pullover. There was a new shawl for Ma, too.
  Babuji had pulled a cot into the sun and had settled down with his newspaper.
  “Brought these books for you. And these…”
  “Oh, yes!” His face suddenly gleamed with unconcealed joy. Eyes glowing. He gently handled the sweater, the socks, like precious little things. Turned them around several times.
  “Who knitted them?”
  “Everyone joined hands.”
  Babuji took his sweater off and put on the new one. Rajiv reached his back to help him. Amma appeared at the door.
  “What are you staring at? My daughters-in-law have knitted them for me.”
  “O-ho! That’s strange! All this affection for the poor old man. Who could have expected this from them?”
  “There she goes with her nonsense. Don’t you have any control on your tongue? What is wrong with my daughters-in-law?”
  “Look at this sudden outpour of love for them! How come your tongue never got tired calling them names everyday?”
  “Do I? Did I ever call them names? You should be ashamed of yourself. Blaming me. I say it is due to you.”
  “Of course, it is always me. I am the one who gets drunk. I am the one who raises hell every night.”
  “What is the matter with you people…?” Rajiv interrupted. “Look at this shawl, Ma. Let’s see how it looks on you.”
  “You saw it, didn’t you, son? All the evil things he says, all the evil things he does, and I am the one who gets the blame.”
  “Come on.… Leave it.… Look… do you like the shawl?”
  “It’s kind of nice.… Must be very expensive.”
  “What has that to do with you? You like it, don’t you?”
  “This colour…”
  “As if you know what colours are,” Babuji said. “Picking on things. Bring it. Bring it over here if you do not like it. I will wear it.”
  “You stay there. The big shot. Haven’t you got your sweater already?”
  “The sweater my daughters-in-law have sent me.”
  “So! The shawl my son has brought.”
  “Is he only your son? Not mine?”
  Rajiv finds it difficult to bear so much joy. A chill runs through his blood; dampness in the corners of his eyes. This one moment seems more precious than the total wealth of the world. He wondered if what had happened necessarily had to happen. Alright. It did happen. Can’t that be forgotten now? For ever. All this, here, so pleasant, so sweet, so sublime. Can’t it be like this, always?
  Who should he blame? This person, their father, who is so simple-hearted that the slightest show of affection from his sons can overwhelm him with joy? That’s all it takes. Is it too much to expect, at this stage of his life? And Rajiv felt that they had failed. They had ignored him. Drunkenness? But who is free from weaknesses? If only they had given him attention, love.… but… Was it really simple.…
  “I say, stop it now. Wasn’t a pint enough for you?” There is annoyance in mother’s voice.
  “None of your business. A pint! Who the hell do you think you are, to tell me? Bring that bottle out.” There is a commanding tone in father’s voice.
  Rajiv sits up on the bed in the dark back room. Quilt spread on his legs. A patch of light reaches into his room through the door, making a triangle on the floor. It is dark around him, but he can see almost every thing in the other room. Babuji is sitting cross-legged on the cot. Back bent forward. Wearing his new sweater. A blanket covering his legs. A woollen scarf around his head. Before him is a big round lamp on a little stool. His shadow out of all proportion — gigantic — covering almost the whole of the back wall. The slightest movement in his body creates large waves on the wall. From where he sits, Rajiv cannot see Ma, but he knows she is there, right in front of Babuji, on the verandah, with the makeshift kitchen around her.
  It is heavy night outside. loaded air. Fog filling up the empty space between the earth and the sky. Rajiv knows it is standing outside the doors and the windows — the fog — eager to get in. His eyelids are heavy, too. He has already eaten and now wants to sleep.
  “Didn’t you hear me? Where is that bottle?” Babuji thundered again. He has finished a pint in half an hour, and his voice is already robust and warm.
  “Won’t you, please,” Amma pleaded. “It is too late. How long do you think I could keep this fire going? It is going out again.”
  “Let it go. Cook the rotis and put them away.”
  “Oh yes? Who is then going to throw the cold rotis on me?”
  “Arguing for nothing…” And Babuji got up off the cot.
  “Alright, alright. You sit there. I will get it.”
  Amma came inside the back room. By the side of Rajiv’s bed, from behind the trunks, she pulled the bottle out. Seeing him sitting up in the dark, she said, “You go to sleep, Raji. Don’t worry about him. It goes on like this every day.”
  Reaching Babuji, she continued: “Why don’t you eat quickly and go to sleep too? Filling up the whole house with noise! How can poor Raji sleep?”
  “Am I stopping him? Why doesn’t he sleep?” Babuji retorted as he snatched the bottle away from Amma’s hands. He began to pour the liquor into his small bottle.
  “Okay. stop it. Stop it now.… How much do you want to drink?… Look, look Raji, he filled it up again.”
  “What are you telling him? Am I afraid of him? This isn’t Delhi. I drink out of my earnings.… Take it. Take this bottle away.”
  Rajiv looks without seeing anything. Indifferent. As if this one event was among the many things that are constantly happening on this vast earth — things he cannot relate to.
  Babuji turned his head up and poured down a mouthful. One big gulp and it went down. Face crisscrossed with numerous wrinkles. Eyes tightly closed. As if the skin was being pulled in different directions. But only for short moment. When the eyes opened again, there was extra brightness in them.
  He closed the bottle with a cork and put it on the stool.
  “What with that cheap shawl he has brought, you sit there like a maharani! Did you ever have any dignity, any self-respect? Licking the crumbs always.”
  Finding it too much, Ma flared back, “I go after crumbs! Look at you. All wrapped up in that sweater!”
  “I don’t depend on such sweaters. You think that I am going to keep it. I don’t give a damn. Won’t even pee on it. What do you think I am!”
  “Alright, alright, keep quite, will you? What is Raji going to think…?”
  “Let him think what he wants to. You are the one to worry about them. You think I care?… And you? Covering him now. Forgot the day when your sons kicked you out of the house…?”
  “So? Go tell those who did it. Why accuse him?”
  “He isn’t any innocent. They are all in it together. You might think he was a saint. I say they are all the same.”

Rajiv’s eyes are fixed. Staring. Words dropping in his ears, one by one. Do they mean anything? He tries to think but can’t. Was he sleepy? No, not anymore. He looks at the man in front of him, sitting by the bright lamp. The outlines of his body appear as though drawn in gold. The tip of the nose is shining but its shadow has left one third of the face in dark. One of the eyes he cannot even see. Back there, on the wall, is that immense shadow — like a huge monster ready to leap down to grab. Does it all remind him of a certain scene he had read about in a novel?
  Babuji swallowed a few more gulps from the bottle.
  “Shameless bastards! They think they have become big shots. What kind of men are you who didn’t know how to respect your parents? Slaves of your wives. Did you ever think your parents were in the house, too? Came home and grabbed your wife! And there was Bhishm who remained a lifelong celibate, just for his father’s sake. Look at our progeny!”
  This must stop, somehow. Slowly, a feeling of contempt is overtaking Rajiv. He finds it difficult to maintain his remoteness, his indifference. But Babuji continues, unchecked. The voice becomes louder and louder.
  “You think you came to this world on your own. Don’t you fool yourself. We produced you. We. We are your creators. Greater than God. You didn’t even measure up to a palm when you came. Should have talked like this then. But how could you? You didn’t even know how to pee. We brought you up. We nurtured you, with our own blood. Tying up our own bellies, we put you through school. Made you into men. And you insult us today! Throw us out. Is this what we raised you for?” The voice has a high pitch. Neighbours must be hearing it all.
  “But why don’t you stop it now. How long do you think you are going to go on?” Amma tried to interrupt.
  “You keep quiet! Filthy old bitch! It is all because of you. ‘Let’s go to Delhi… let’s go to Delhi,’ you kept saying. Did you see what you got from Delhi?”
  “Alright, it was all because of me…. Why not stay quiet now? Poor Raji. He came such a distance….”
  “But why?” A loud crash. Eyes popping out. “Why did he come? What else does he want…?”
  Rajiv could not take it anymore. In a sharp, angry voice he said, “Don’t you say one more thing. And don’t you worry. I will go back tomorrow.”
  “Go. Now. Right now. You bastard. Trying to threaten me! What gives you the right to scream at me? This isn’t Delhi. This is my house. My empire. You can shout when we come to your doorstep. ‘I will go back!’ Why don’t you? Did anyone ask you to come here? We don’t need anybody here. Go. Right away. You think you are going to scare me by shouting. I don’t fear anybody. Nobody. I am still earning. I buy my bottles….”
  The monster on the wall was shaking violently.
  Rajiv was filled with deep contempt and hate. No, he could not have any sympathy for this man.
  Neven, never, could this man be his father.
  Amma was sitting by Rajiv’s side. Trying to calm him down. This only increased the aggravation. Mounting irritation. What has gone wrong again? He did not come here to create new tensions. But why? Why does it always come to this?

A misty, greyish morning. Thick, heavy fog still hanging like a sheet. It is almost nine but no sign of the sun yet. Everything still and quiet. Not even a leaf is moving. Occasionally, drops of settled fog would fall from the trees.
  A few people on the platform. Waiting for the train. With both hands in his coat pockets Rajiv walked into the office. Babuji working at his desk. Not one trace on his face of what had happened the night before. A surprised look as he saw Rajiv walking in.
  “I am going back by this train.”
  “Ay… what?” Mouth wide open.
  Rajiv hesitated a bit, then said, “Have to go. There are just a few days of vacation. Have to go to Lucknow and Allahabad too.”
  Babuji appeared at a loss, startled. “Couldn’t you stay a few more days? You came only yesterday.”
  “Came to meet you people. That has been done….” Rajiv was finding it difficult to come up with any explanation. “I have packed already.”
  There wasn’t much more to say. Babuji fell quiet and hung his head.
   A few moments went by.
   Rajiv took a bill out of his wallet. “Could you give me a ticket to Lucknow?”
  Babuji quickly looked up. Rajiv could not continue looking in his eyes. So much pain in there. Could one beg so much, so meekly, just by looking?
  “You angry with me, son?”
  “No, no…. Please… I did have to go….” What is he doing to his father now? Putting all this extra weight on his chest….
  “You know this is my habit. I get drunk and say all those silly things. You should not mind all that.”
  But isn’t that your real self? Your true self. Things that bother you. Things you think about. Things you want to say out loud. Your pride. Free from pretensions. Rajiv thinks all this. But he knows he wouldn’t be able to say it.
  “Please, honestly. Don’t worry. I didn’t mind anything.”

The train has arrived. His bags are on it. Rajiv bends down to touch Babuji’s feet. Babuji embraces him tight. All the barriers suddenly break loose.
  “Will you forgive your father, Raji?… I am so worthless, miserable. Never have I given you people any happiness….” And then the voice chokes.
  Rajiv, too, wants to say something of the same kind. But he cannot. His voice fails him. The train begins to move and he quickly climbs on.
  The slowly moving train is leaving Babuji behind. Standing still. A blanket covering him from his head down to his knees, a tahmad hanging down to his ankles, woollen socks and toeless sandals.
  When the train passes by the house Rajiv sees Amma standing in the middle of the door. An edge of her sari held between her teeth. As he raises his folded hands to say pranam, Amma’s whole body appears to be shaking.
  The train picks up speed. The two figures are left behind. Soon the fog engulfs everything.
  And Rajiv realised that he had made yet another mistake by coming back like this.
 
Translated from the Hindi by the author

Monday, March 1, 2010

Farmers, Mao, and Discontent in China

Farmers, Mao, and Discontent in China
From the Great Leap Forward to the Present
Dongping Han


Dongping Han is professor of history and political science at Warren Wilson College in North Carolina. His publications include several journal articles and The Unknown Cultural Revolution (Garland Publishing, republished by Monthly Review, 2008). He comes from a rural background in China. Most of the research for this article was carried out by means of interviews in the rural areas discussed.



There are widespread misconceptions about numerous aspects of the Chinese revolution. These include a misreading of the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, and the “reforms” of the post-Mao era, and the reaction of the overwhelming mass of the peasantry to these movements. Although the revolutionary programs/movements resulted in significant hardships — on the rural population (the Great Leap Forward, 1958-61) or the intellectuals (the Cultural Revolution, 1966-76) — they both produced concrete achievements in the countryside that led to impressive gains in agricultural production and in people’s lives. In contrast, the post-Mao era “reforms” have resulted so far in a huge growth of inequality in China, with the rural population suffering greatly by the dismantling of public support for health and education. In addition, local and regional officials have sold farmland for development purposes, usually lining their own pockets, with inadequate compensation for the farmers. This has resulted in the current massive unrest in rural areas, involving literally hundreds of thousands of incidents with protesting farmers.1

The Great Leap Forward

The Great Leap Forward, the second five-year plan of the Chinese revolution, was an attempt to develop rapidly both industry and agriculture. This was the period during which the communes were formed and some 600,000 “backyard,” small-scale steel furnaces were built to supply local needs all over the country. This was also the era of massive irrigation projects — local, regional, and national in scope — that were to result in impressive gains in crop yields in subsequent years. However, the extra work burden that necessitated increased food consumption by the rural population was not accompanied by sufficient enhanced calorie intake.

The current widespread rural, as well as urban, discontent in China is in sharp contrast to the relative absence of unrest during the Great Leap Forward, when grain shortages led to severe hunger in some parts of rural China as a result of harsh weather conditions and mismanagement by various governmental levels. There is considerable disagreement as to whether or not mass starvation occurred and, if it did, how many people died. Nevertheless, it is clear that significant hardships were created by grain shortages induced, at least partially, by the policies of the Great Leap Forward. However, during my research in rural China over the past twenty-five years — including extensive interviews with farmers in Jimo County in Shandong Province — I have not come across a single farmer who believed that Mao lost popularity because of the Great Leap Forward. Nor have I encountered any farmer who contemplated rising up against the government during the Great Leap Forward, or any literature mentioning that there were serious peasant protests during this period. (However, a significant number of farmers, particularly younger ones, express their willingness to join a rebellion now if there was one against the government.) And, as difficult as conditions may have been during the Great Leap Forward, farmers were apparently not too emaciated or too weak to build a large number of national, provincial, regional, and local irrigation projects.


The Communist Party and the People

The Party compared its relationship with the Chinese people to that of fish and water. The Communists argued that water (people) can live without fish (Communist Party members). But fish cannot live without water, thus stressing the importance of popular support for the success of the revolution. This special relationship between the Chinese Communists and the Chinese people was built through a long process of trial and error, not always without failures. And there were many failures during the Great Leap Forward, leading to attempts at rectification through the Socialist Education Campaign in 1964 and the Cultural Revolution in 1966.

The argument that people might not have other recourse except to engage in individual and everyday types of resistance (or coping) in the social context of the Great Leap Forward seems convincing. Chinese farmers, like all other people, would not lightly rise to the serious undertaking of trying to overthrow the government. But between the choice of starving to death and rebellion, the choice should not be hard to make. If the death toll of millions claimed by the critics of the Great Leap Forward were true, then why would the Chinese farmers submit to death by slow starvation rather than rising up and giving themselves some hope of survival?

While civil society was disarmed throughout most of China’s history, this did not prevent Chinese farmers from rising up time and again with whatever they had in their hands. The Chinese term jiegan erqi (rise up with bamboo sticks) was created to describe the peasant rebellion during the Qin dynasty in particular and other peasant rebellions in general when Chinese farmers, under the duress of social injustice, rose up, using anything they could lay their hands on as weapons. However, during the Great Leap Forward, the Chinese population was more armed than ever. That was the time when Mao called for large-scale organization of militia divisions (daban minbingshi). Young villagers in production teams were organized into militia platoons. In each production brigade there was a militia company. At the commune level, there were militia battalions. The department of military affairs in the county government was in charge of arming and training the militia. Chinese farmers worked in the fields with their rifles stacked nearby during the Great Leap Forward years.2 How difficult would it have been for a farmer to pick up a rifle, shoot his or her leader and start a rebellion if that person so desired?

Past Accomplishments and Future Goals

There are a number of factors discussed below that led to acceptance and wide, active participation of farmers in the projects of the Great Leap Forward. One of the principal ones was that farmers knew that the projects were going to benefit them and their villages in the future. In addition, many farmers had received land and other assets during the land reform and felt a responsibility to the government. The majority of the Chinese farmers benefited from the revolution’s land reform. For example, in Jimo County, the landlords and rich peasants, who accounted for 4 percent of the population, lost over 11,000 hectares (165,732 mu) of land, 33,524 houses, 2,441 horses and other farming animals, 4,377 pieces of farming implements, and 6,891,715 kilos of grain because of land reform. But at the same time, poor peasant households, which accounted for 60 percent of the total population, got land, farming animals, and houses as a result of land reform.

Food Shortages

The Great Leap Forward got its name partly because of the unprecedented scale of its irrigation projects. These projects, which were designed to increase grain yield, contributed, ironically, to the short-term grain shortage of the Great Leap Forward.

Most agrarian societies work closely with the cycle of seasons. In Northern China, the seasonal cycle involves the following: a busy mid-spring planting season, followed by a less intense late spring and early summer season, followed by a busy mid-summer harvesting and planting season, followed again by a less intense late summer and early fall season, followed by a busy late fall harvesting and planting season, and finally by an idle winter and early spring season. In this region, fewer than three months are considered busy seasons, and the rest of the year is considered either a “slow” or “idle” season.

Until recently, rural households in China would budget their grain supplies according to the cycle of their work in the fields. They would eat more and better food when they had to work strenuously in the fields, and would eat much less and lower quality food during the slow and idle seasons. Most farmers in northern China would get up very late in winter and early spring, and go to bed very early at night to save energy. They only ate two meals a day, and the foods they ate were mostly porridge or sweet potatoes during the idle seasons. As a result, the food consumption was kept to a minimum during the winter and early spring seasons. During the busy seasons, when farmers had to engage in intensive manual labor, they would eat as much wheat or corn bread as they could possibly afford. As a result, the food consumption during these busy seasons could be three to four times higher than the idle and slow seasons.

The Great Leap Forward turned the idle and slow seasons of rural China into busy seasons. During the winter and spring of 1958, 1959, and 1960, rural people worked on building reservoirs, digging wells, dredging river bottoms, and building irrigation channels. There were national projects, provincial projects, regional projects, and local projects being built at the same time. Some of the more well-known examples of these projects are: the Shisanling Reservoir (The Ming Tombs Reservoir) in Beijing; the Hai River Project, which connected five major rivers in Northern China; the Yellow River Sanmenxia Project in Henan and Shanxi Province; and the Yellow River Liu Jiaxia Project. The world famous Red Flag Irrigation Channel in Lin County, Henan was started during the Great Leap Forward and was not finished until ten years later.3

In Jimo County, Shandong Province, the farmers put in several million days of labor to build four medium-size reservoirs and several other irrigation projects: Shipeng Reservoir in the southern part of Jimo County; Wangquan Reservoir in the central part; Songhuaquan Reservoir in the midwestern part; Yecheng Reservoir in the west; and the Chahe Irrigation Project in the north.

Apart from these big projects, there were also numerous minor projects launched by communes and villages in Jimo County. Among these were the Xiazhang Reservoir in Wangcun Commune; the Fangjia Reservoir in Woli Commune; and the Yushitou Reservoir in Duncun Commune. In 1959, Jimo County also dug, for the first time, thirty-three big and deep electric-powered irrigation wells.

There were undoubtedly very severe management problems during the Great Leap Forward. People were being asked to participate in physically demanding projects, but were not consistently provided with sufficient extra food rations. Without these gigantic irrigation projects, there would probably not have been any starvation in Jimo; the grain shortage and the aftermath would have been much less severe. It was, at the very least, overzealous to engage in such a gigantic investment of labor in such a short time and without sufficient food rations. Clearly, Jimo County government leaders were guilty of miscalculation and mismanagement of human and financial resources during the Great Leap Forward.

Looking back, the leaders might blame the fervid social environment created by the central government or the pressure they received for more and quicker results from their higher-ups in the provincial or central governments. The slogan of the time was: “duo kuai hao sheng de jianshe shehuizhuyi” (build up socialism in a faster, better, and more economic manner). But, at the grassroots level, leaders were supposed to know their local conditions better than the upper-level government, and they were ultimately responsible for the lives of the local people.

While we can fault the county leaders’ management, we cannot fault their intentions. There was a general consensus among local government leaders, local community leaders, and ordinary farmers that enhanced irrigation was needed in order to improve crop yields. Therefore, most farmers saw the connections between these irrigation projects and a better life for themselves in the near future. Even though they went through a great deal of hardship in constructing these projects at the time, farmers said they could not deny the fact that the purpose was to make their lives better in the future. This contrasts sharply with farmers’ attitudes toward many massive projects from earlier eras, such as when they were drafted to build palaces for the elite.

Farmers’ Means of Coping

We know that many farmers engaged in individual acts of coping during the Great Leap Forward, such as “moyanggong” (pretend to work but actually not working), and chiqing (eating green crops before they matured). As someone who worked on a collective farm for many years, moyanggong and chiqing appearto me to be a necessary part of dealing with daily life during the Great Leap Forward, rather than individual forms of resistance against government policies or officials. What else could people do, when they were exhausted from hard work but did not feel it was right to stop working completely while others worked on? It was appropriate to engage in moyanggong as a way of taking a break, and other farmers understood.

Chiqing was another accepted and widespread practice during the Great Leap Forward, necessitated by the long working hours and short supplies of food. Farmers ate whatever they could lay their hands on to satisfy their hunger, not to demonstrate their anger or resistance to the government’s policies and officials. When I was working on a collective farm after the Great Leap Forward, it was an acceptable practice to eat a limited amount of green wheat, green corn, tender sweet potatoes and tender peanuts, turnips, and cabbages. We sometimes cooked green corn, soybeans, and even sweet potatoes in the fields. Farmers in Shandong called this shao pohuo (build a small fire in the field). Afterwards, we would start a game of chi yao mohui (trying to darken each other’s face with our blackened hands). Boys tried that with girls, and girls tried that with boys. Production team leaders engaged in this game with ordinary villagers, as well. Without understanding the social context of these practices, it is easy to see them as everyday resistance.

Societal Support for Farmers

The social climate of the time also helped farmers make the connection between these irrigation projects and a better future. The government gave great attention to rural areas during the Great Leap Forward — the whole nation and Party members were told they should help agriculture, rural areas, and farmers. It was a common practice for local government, office and factory workers, army units, and high school and college students to come to help farmers during the busy seasons.

An old farmer I interviewed in Henan told me with great fondness how excited he and his fellow farmers were to see the nationally famous artists who came to perform for them on the irrigation sites during Great Leap Forward. He said that their work hours were long, and the food they ate was not particularly good. But the farmers persisted, because Chairman Mao and the government cared about farmers. “These artists,” he said: “were sent to us by Chairman Mao.” He heard these words from the artists at the time. Forty years later, he used these same words as his own. Only in Mao’s China, would nationally famous artists perform for farmers at an irrigation site.

Post-Mao publications branded these initiatives by the government to send artists and intellectuals to work with farmers and workers as part of the Maoist persecution of intellectuals. But these government initiatives served to enhance national solidarity and spirit. Farmers who were at the bottom of Chinese society acquired a sense of importance and empowerment when government officials, professors, and college students were working side by side with them. Mao and other national leaders worked on the Shisanling Reservoir on May 25, 1958, giving rise to waves of government officials participating in this kind of activity.4 On October 11, 1959, 12,000 college and high school students and professors from Qingdao City came to Jimo to help with fall harvesting and planting. In September 1960, 28,000 students and teachers from Qingdao City came to Jimo to help with harvesting and planting.

Another factor that helps explain the Chinese farmers’ behavior and attitude during the Great Leap Forward was the personal behavior of the leaders. From his recently published memoirs, we know that, once Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong realized the difficult situation of rural China during the Great Leap Forward, he gave up eating meat. He also refused to act upon the suggestions of people around him that he should allow his daughters to get a little more food. Some might argue that it was not a major sacrifice for Mao to give up his pork when hundreds of thousands of farmers were suffering because of his questionable policies and mismanagement. But most farmers at the time could not possibly know what Mao did or did not do. What farmers did know at the time was the behavior of county, commune, and village leaders.

Leadership by Local Officials

Farmers in Jimo believed that the quality of national leaders is defined by the quality of grassroots officials (guojia lingdai ren de pingde cong difang guanyuan de pingde zhong biaoxian chulai). During the Great Leap Forward, Jimo County leaders, including the head leader, County Party Secretary Xu Hua, Head of County government, Li Anshi, and other county government leaders, were busily traveling around the county to work with people at irrigation project sites. Each county and commune leader assumed responsibility for at least one village. Leaders came to visit and work in the “home” village regularly; villagers knew them and they knew the villagers well. More importantly, they ate the same food with ordinary villagers at their homes, and always paid the standard cost for the meals, which was often higher than the real value of the food. Song Wenying, who hosted the commune leaders a few times, said that Wang Shuchun, who was the head of Chengguan Commune Government, came to his village frequently. At lunchtime, he would eat at villagers’ houses randomly. At the time, farmers ate mostly sweet potatoes, and Wang Shuchun would eat the same food with them. After the meal he would leave thirty cents and a three-liang grain coupon for his meal.

Indeed, most village leaders during the Great Leap Forward were actively present in the daily lives of the people. They worked at the construction sites with the villagers most of the time, and ate the same kind of food as the ordinary villagers.

Maqiao Village Party Secretary, Wu Changxing, worked with farmers on the irrigation sites day and night during the Great Leap Forward. He refused to eat more than anybody else, and in the end he died of a combination of exhaustion and malnutrition — the only person to die on the construction site from Maqiao village. Other people driven by hunger began eating green crops, but he felt that, as a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) member and the village party secretary, he could not lower himself to that level. Other people could cheat a little by taking longer bathroom breaks, but he felt that, as a leader, he had to be a role model for others. Wu Changxing left two children behind, and villagers in Maqiao took very good care of his children, out of their respect for their honest and hardworking leader.

In September 1960, with students, professors, and others, 2,100 provincial and city officials also came to work with farmers in Jimo. Most farmers I interviewed in Jimo were pleased to see government officials working side by side with them. “We were so happy to see officials of the people’s government and urban intellectuals eat the same food and do the same job with us. We felt close bonds with them at the time.” This often overlooked aspect of Chinese society and politics is an important factor behind people’s high morale during the Great Leap Forward.

During this period, most people were skinny, and the county and commune leaders were as skinny as everybody else. Based on their body size, it was almost impossible to tell these leaders apart from ordinary farmers. “County Party Secretary Xu,” Zhang Yingfa, a farmer from South River, said, “was as tall as I was, but he was definitely thinner than I was when he came to work with us in the village.” This, again, was sharp contrast with the traditional image of Chinese officials. Farmers said that it was very hard to perceive these Communist officials as oppressors and bad people. They simply did not arouse anger among farmers. This does not mean that there were not many bad and corrupt local officials at the time. But in the eyes of many rural people today, Mao’s officials were drastically different from the “younger and more educated” crop of Chinese government officials of the later “reform” era, who came to the village only in cars, and ate lavish banquets at the expense of the villagers. An important factor in preventing peasant rebellion during a period of severe hardship was the leadership style and personal integrity of the Communist officials.

There were very few differences in wealth or background between local leaders and the people being led. The village leaders of the 1950s understood the poor villagers much better than their preceding and succeeding counterparts in Chinese history. This understanding was a strength for the Communist Party, and it played a significant role in preventing government decay during the aftermath of Great Leap Forward. Farmers are likely to follow village leaders that come from the same socio-economic background as the overwhelming majority of villagers, and demonstrate concern for their needs. Mao became the great leader of Chinese people exactly because he was able to see the revolutionary potential of peasant leaders. It was these peasants and peasant leaders who accomplished the fundamental goals of the Chinese revolution and rejuvenated Chinese society.

During the Socialist Education Campaign of 1964, following the Great Leap Forward, many local village leaders were charged with petty corruption and misdemeanors, such as eating more than their fair share of food, stealing small amounts of money from the collective purse, and dividing a small amount of grain among themselves during the Great Leap Forward. In the eyes of the Communist Party, which demanded that its members suffer hardships first and enjoy benefits last (chi ku zai qian, xiangshou zai hou), this kind of devious behavior could not be allowed. But judging by today’s standards, or the standards of traditional China, the village leaders’ corruption was minor. It is natural that, amid a grain shortage, people who were closer to the food would eat a little more in order to survive.

From the Cultural Revolution to Rural “Reforms”

In light of the widespread minor corruption among village leaders during the Great Leap Forward, one of the important goals of the Cultural Revolution was to empower ordinary villagers to participate in village politics.5 Village leaders’ authority was greatly curbed as a result of the empowerment of ordinary villagers during this period, and local government became more legitimate in the eyes of people than during the Great Leap Forward. The central, provincial, regional, county, and commune governments gave a great amount of attention to agriculture, rural areas, and farmers. Many farmers were selected to participate in all levels of government. Officials were urged to work with farmers, and the urban population was urged to support the rural people. Seventeen million urban, educated youth were sent to live and work in rural areas during the Cultural Revolution years. Consequently, in the eyes of the farmers, the government cared about them.6

Contemporary Rural Unrest

Chinese media was filled with success stories about the rural reform ever since Deng Xiaoping’s government started the “reforms” in the early 1980s. Chinese and western scholars basically echoed the Chinese government’s claims about the successes of the rural reforms. According to the official story, crop yields increased dramatically, and farmers’ income rose significantly. (Crop yields did increase, partially because of the irrigation projects, crop breeding, and fertilizer factories built during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution.) People who studied rural China postulated that the increase of grain yields was due to change from collective to private farming. It is also true that China has not experienced any serious natural disasters in the last twenty-five years that have had widespread effects on agricultural production, and farmers have in their possession more grain than ever before. In the villages I visited in Henan and Shandong Provinces, most rural families have around 1 to 1.5 metric tons (two or three thousand jin) of grain stored in their houses, which would usually be sufficient for two years’ consumption.

According to the standard view, the rural revolts occurring in China today are hard to explain. In 2001, Yu Jianrong’s Politics in Yue Village was published, documenting contemporary rural protests in Hunan Province. In 2004, Chen Guili and Chun Tao reported Chinese farmers’ anger at the government policies and CCP official conduct in rural China. (These writings made a big stir in China, because they caused a major lawsuit.) In fall 2004, two huge protests in Sichuan Province involving hundreds of thousands farmers shocked the world. In one incident, over one hundred thousand farmers surrounded local government buildings for three days; over a dozen police cars were set on fire, and the government sent over one hundred thousand armed police to pacify the crowd. In the other incident, the angry crowd held the Provincial Governor hostage for a few days. Since then, nobody has doubted that the Chinese government faces a serious crisis in the rural areas.

There has been a major shift in farmers’ perceptions of the CCP from the time of the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. As discussed above, farmers then viewed the CCP and local, regional, and national officials as working in their best interests. But when I first interviewed farmers in Jimo regarding their reaction to rural reorganization in 1982, the most common response was that gongchandang bu guan women la (the Communist Party does not care about us anymore). “Women jiuyao cheng moniangde haozila” (we are going to become orphans) one farmer told me at the time. This simple answer is pregnant with many implications. It means that some farmers considered the government’s collective farming policy as an indicator that the Communist Party cared about their livelihood. But, as a result of the rural “reforms,” the government could not be seen as being on their side — it could, at best, be regarded as neutral. This change in the farmers’ perception of CCP policies and actions, together with a change in leadership styles of Communist officials at various levels of government, have had a huge impact on farmers’ perception of and interactions with the state.

Privatization, Corruption, Inequality, and Crime

In the process of rural reorganization, some collectively owned means of production ended up in the hands of former village leaders. In Jimo County, most collectively owned village industrial enterprises were first contracted to the managers and then sold to them. The village factory I managed before I went to college in 1978 was sold to its subsequent manager, Liu Dunxiao. In less than twenty years, Liu and his family acquired assets of over 200 million yuan (about US$30 million). Liu’s younger brother, with his help, controls the public transportation system in the county, and has assets of hundreds of millions yuan as well. The same process has transferred many state and collectively owned enterprises to private ownership by a system based on cronyism. The Chinese people now refer to this process as the original sin of the Chinese capitalist class that has arisen since the mid-1980s. This acquisition of collectively owned or state-owned assets was unconstitutional and illegal. It also violated the sense of social justice widely held by Chinese farmers. One capitalist told me in an interview that most of the Chinese capitalist class had a criminal beginning, which is like a sword hanging over their heads. Many villagers now call into question the political legitimacy of the government that has encouraged the criminal acquisition of collectively owned property and state-owned means of production.

Since the rural reforms, the different levels of government no longer organize large-scale irrigation projects in China, and the presence of the government in farmers’ lives has become minimal. Township governments now do only two things: collect the grain tax and enforce the family planning policies. Farmers believe that the township government only wants money (tax) and lives (family planning) from them (yao qian he yao ming). They do not believe that the township government does anything positive for them.

The retreat of the national government from rural areas is considered progressive by the liberal free market economic mindset. It appears that the state is giving society in general, and rural people in particular, the power to take control of their own livelihood. Farmers should have welcomed the rural reorganization. But the reality is more complicated.

During the collective era, commune leaders lived in the rural areas where they worked. They would come to the village on bikes. Today, the township government leaders are more educated and do not want to live in rural areas. They have built luxurious, western-style houses in the county government seats. Therefore, the township government has to buy a car for each of the top four government officials: township party secretary, deputy party secretary, township government head, and deputy township government head. They also need drivers to chauffeur them to work every day. Because they do not have much to do, they are often bored. Therefore, they visit restaurants and entertainment facilities. “Rural restaurants in the surrounding areas,” one farmer said, “have begun to provide xiaojie services (prostitutes) because township government leaders want them.”

As expenditures of the township government increase, the ways to extract money from farmers multiply, now that the agricultural tax has been eliminated. Many township governments use family planning as a way to get money from farmers. In order to get a permit to have a child, farmers have to bribe the village and township government officials. Some township and village leaders sell birth permits to farmers who have money. In some places, local officials even encourage rich farmers to have more children so that they can get “fines” from them. In such a social context, farmers question the political legitimacy of the central government, as well as county and village officials. Another way of making money is the confiscation of land by local and regional officials, who then sell the land at a profit for “development,” without adequately compensating the farmers — thus adding greatly to the rural ferment.

The change in farmers’ perception of government legitimacy and official conduct has transformed farmers’ interaction with the state. Interviewees in South River village, Jimo County, told me that farmers refused to storm the unguarded government granaries adjacent to their village during the grain shortage of the Great Leap Forward. But now, they have begun to engage in all kinds illegal and illicit activities. Several villagers have been in prison for stealing at markets and from other villagers. They fight with the tax collectors. In one incident, two brothers beat up a tax collector, and ended up in prison for two years.

Some daring individuals organized a gang of thieves, stealing on a large scale. They have built a network with collaborators in the big cities, who identify targets: mostly homes of corrupt officials and rich business owners. They come to the big city, commit their crimes with precision, and then return to their village to divide the spoils with their urban collaborators. This way, they are able to live a “good life,” and reduce the risk of being caught. Most people, even the local police, know how these people make their living.

Another group of villagers have organized a secret society that engages in smuggling and provides assassins for hire. They will kill or hurt people for the right price. Some of these farmers, who were timid and obedient during the Great Leap Forward, hard working but aggressively demanding during the Cultural Revolution, have become bandits, thieves, and thugs during the reform period.

Chinese society during the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution was relatively poor. People barely had enough to eat and wear. But many farmers remember that time with fondness. There was a general equality of condition, very little corruption, very few crimes, no drugs and no prostitution

Today, most people in rural China have become more affluent. In Jimo County, the primary area of my research, some people have a lot of money. A number of households claim to own millions. But, at the same time, people’s lives are filled with crime, corruption, prostitution, drug abuse — and there is a huge gap between the rich and poor.

Government Response to Rural Conditions and Unrest

The Chinese government has begun to admit, for the first time since the rural reform of the 1980s, that it faces a serious, three-fold crisis regarding agriculture, rural areas, and farmers (san nong wenti). Scholars and government officials have started to discuss the crisis openly. Yu Jianrong’s Yucun Politics (Yuecun Zhengzhi) describes an incident in Hunan, in which over ten thousand farmers stormed the township government building. A sixty-two-year-old farmer broke six government signs, quoting Mao Zedong’s words: “rebellion is justified.” Cheng Guili and Chun Tao, in their Zhongguo Nongmin Diaocha (Investigating Chinese Farmers), record numerous cases of official oppression against farmers.

The number one Central Government directive in 2004 was aimed at increasing the rural population’s income. To this end, the Chinese government, by the summer of 2006, had completely eliminated agricultural taxes for the rural population.

However, the crisis that the Chinese government faces in rural China is not simply an issue of increasing farmers’ income. It is a very complex issue, involving government legitimacy, official conduct, and many other issues. While many people applaud the Chinese government’s elimination of agricultural taxes, this action is more sensational than effective, and may even be dangerous. The elimination of the agriculture taxes further weakens government presence in rural areas. But rural China today needs a stronger, not weaker, government presence. The rural areas need the government to provide free education and medical care. Farmers need the government to protect them from greedy developers — backed by local officials — who grab farmers’ land. Rural China needs progressive taxing — taxing the rich to protect the weak and poor. Simply eliminating all taxes leads to more corruption, as local officials devise other ways to gain income.

The Chinese central government has blamed local officials for the problems in rural China. Similarly, the Chinese media has made the township government officials the scapegoats for the rising problems in rural China. Chinese scholars in the West also tend to blame the local officials for the rising tension between government and farmers in China. One of the township government officials I interviewed told me he felt that it was both easy and dangerous to use township government officials as scapegoats: they are the symptom, not the cause of the problem, which is systemic, and much deeper than the central government realizes. Scapegoating township government officials will only conceal the real problem and lead to more social disturbances. And, once the rural people rise up, they will not think carefully about whom to rise up against. That is the nature of popular riots.

Looking Back at Mao

After the Third Plenary Meeting of the CCP Eleventh Central Committee (December 1978) passed the resolution to criticize Mao’s mistakes during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese media, controlled by anti-Mao elites, have not hesitated to publish books and articles denouncing the Great Leap Forward as well as the Cultural Revolution. For the last thirty years, anti-Mao, anti-Great Leap Forward, and anti-Cultural Revolution sentiments have dominated Chinese intellectual discourse. However, many people have written their own memoirs under the auspices of the Chinese Political Consultation Committee, in an effort to gather cultural and historical memoirs of the Great Leap Forward. In essence, these authors — whose essays directly contradict the official denunciations — have protested the “rewriting of the history” by Mao’s opponents.

In December 2006, Deng Pufang responded to a Reuters reporter, saying that the Cultural Revolution brought disaster not only to himself and his family but also to the Chinese nation. However, this almost routine characterization of the era triggered an avalanche of comments from the Chinese people, eliciting, in little more than a month, over 35,000 Internet objections. The overwhelming majority of these comments praised Mao’s contribution to the Chinese people and criticized the serious consequences caused by the reform measures Deng Xiaoping introduced. Some people commented that the new elite should “stop lying about Chairman Mao. People are waking up, and it is no longer possible to deceive people with lies about Chairman Mao.” Many said that “history is written by the people, not by the elites.” For many Chinese, “Chairman Mao worked for Chinese people all his life, and he continues to live in the people’s heart.” It seems that the efforts of government and elite to discredit Mao’s legacies have backfired, with significant implications for Chinese politics in the future.

How is it possible to explain the high esteem in which Mao — long after his death — is held among many Chinese people, despite the official and semi-official onslaught on his legacy and image?7 Chinese elites and Mao’s enemies have produced numerous publications to discredit Mao. But if the sufferings and brutalities allegedly imposed on the Chinese farmers by Mao’s government were true, the farmers would have known them, first hand. Why do so many farmers still hang Mao’s picture in their houses, and hold his memories dear, and, in some places, build temples to worship him?

These farmers remind me of my U.S. colleagues and students, who came to China with me for my college’s worldwide experience courses. The long lines outside Mao’s Mausoleum on Tiananmen Square always surprised them. The workers and farmers who lost the benefits they received under Mao’s socialist policies came to show respect to their leader, often with tears in their eyes. This is another indicator of Mao’s continuing popularity among the Chinese working class.

Conclusion

How does one explain the change in state and society interaction from the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution to the reform era? Mencius once said: Yi shi dao shi min, sui ku er bu yuan, yi sheng dao sha ren, sui si er bu yuan (the people will not complain if the ruler employs the people with good intention, and people will not complain if the ruler causes the people to die with the intention to ensure their survival). That means that, when a government is considered legitimate, and official conduct resonates with that legitimacy, people will follow government policies and endure hardship. Thus, the government will survive tough challenges and difficulties. However, when government legitimacy is in question, or official conduct is repugnant, people will be less likely to follow government policies, and, when crises arise, will be more likely to rebel. The large amount of peasant unrest in China today is the result of a loss of government legitimacy. To reverse this trend, the government needs to do more than simply increase farmers’ income.

The Chinese Government can curb official corruption in the rural areas in two ways. It can resurrect the Communist Party’s self-criticism and disciplinary mechanism of the old days, in which party leaders and ordinary party members hold regular meetings to examine their own behavior, according to Party policies and regulations. At the same time, the government can empower ordinary farmers by encouraging them to criticize government officials and policies by different means, including big character posters, which were widely used during the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, and have proven effective in curbing official corruption. More importantly, the government needs to select more farmers to government positions, and encourage local officials to live and work with farmers whenever possible.

The gap between rich and poor has become a huge problem in China, particularly in the rural areas, and has caused many serious social problems, such as the increase of crime. Too big a gap between the rich and poor will tear the society apart and threaten China’s stability. More egalitarian practices will enhance China’s internal coherence and enable the country to deal more effectively with its challenges.

Notes

1. The extent of rural protests in China is rarely reported in a coherent fashion in the Western media. But, according to the Chinese news agency Xinhua story published in People’s Daily (“China grapples with thorny issue of rural land rights,” there were “87,000 protests, riots and other ‘mass incidents’” related to land loss in 2005, up 6 percent from 2004, and 50 percent from 2003. Thus, in these three years alone, there were well over 100,000 such actions! The article points out, “Once the backbone of the Communist Party of China, which won widespread support in the countryside six decades ago on protecting the rights of farmers who joined its fight to overthrow the landlord class, many Chinese farmers now feel alienated from their own land, formerly the fruits of the revolution.” In the seven years before the January 2006 story was written, some 6.7 million hectares of farmland (5 percent of all of China’s farmland) had been converted into other uses — roads, factories, etc. People are also protesting industrial pollution of air, water, and soil. In 2007, the last year that the Chinese government released data on “mass incidents,” protests involving over one hundred people, there were 80,000 such incidents. Go back
2. New China News Agency: “National Militia Work Conference was held in Beijing on February 8, to Discuss and Study the Experiences and Accomplishments of Large Scale Organization of Militia Divisions since 1958.” Zhonghua renmin gongheguo dashiji, The Chronology of People’s Republic of China, (Beijing: Xinhua Press, 1982), 282. Go back
3. The Chronology of People’s Republic of China, 209, vol. one (Beijing: Xinhua Press, 1982), 210-14. Go back
4. The Chronology of People’s Republic of China, 209, vol. one, 208. Go back
5. For a detailed discussion of change and progress in rural areas during the Cultural Revolution, see Dongping Han, The Unknown Cultural Revolution: Life and Change in a Chinese Village (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008). Go back
6. See Dongping Han, “Hukou System and China’s Rural Development,” Journal of Developing Areas, Spring 1999, and “Impact of the Cultural Revolution on Rural Education and Economic Development,” Modern China 27, no. 1, January 2001. Go back
7. Jacob Heibrunn, “Mao More than Ever,” New Republic, April 21, 1997, 20; and Orville Schell, “Once Again, Long Live Chairman Mao,” Atlantic, December 1992, 32. Go back

PUDR letter to Prime Minister

PUDR letter to Prime Minister on breakdown of constitutional order in Chhattisgarh

With great dismay we want to bring to your notice the rapid breakdown of constitutional order in Chhattisgarh since November 2009. You must be aware that since the year 2005, the Dantewada district of this state has witnessed intensified conflict between state and the CPI (Maoist). In course of this conflict, more than 600 villages have been uprooted leading to forced displacement of lakhs of adivasis. The Chhattisgarh administration has also enlisted the support of the controversial Salwa Judum ‘andolan’ to counter the CPI (Maoist), besides appointing thousands of Special Police Offices (SPOs). The sequence of events since November 2009 underlines a comprehensive breakdown of the rule of law and pulverization of democratic space in Chhattisgarh. We therefore urge you to take note of the following:


The Case of Sodi Sambo

  • On October 1, 2009, there was an alleged incident of killings by police and SPOs in Gompad village, Dantewada, described by the district SP as an ‘encounter’ to a broad based fact finding team including the Peoples Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR, Delhi) and the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL, Chhattisgarh), Action Aid and Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (Dantewada) etc. Sodi Sambo is one of the victims and witnesses of the Gompad killings and a petitioner in Writ Petition (Criminal) No. 103 of 2009 in the Supreme Court.
  • On January 3, 2010, when Sambo was on her way to Delhi for treatment of her leg which had been shot, she was taken away by the police. This despite the fact that Sambo is innocent and faces no criminal charges/despite the police declaration that there are no charges against her.
  • On January 5, the police informed the press that SP Dantewada had received a complaint from some “relative” of Sambo that Himanshu Kumar of VCA had ‘abducted’ Sambo. Significantly, Himanshu Kumar is petitioner no.1 in the writ petition filed against the Dantewada police, in the Supreme Court.
  • On January 6, the PUCL and PUDR filed an application in the Supreme Court that the Petitioner No. 13 in the Criminal Writ Petition No. 103 of 2009, Sodi Sambo, was being intimidated to coerce her into withdrawing her petition. The petition prayed that she be permitted to come to Delhi to continue her treatment at the St. Stephens Hospital and that the state bears her expenses for the same. All this while, Sambo was kept in a hospital in Jagdalpur where the treatment required for her leg was not available. Even the journalists from Indian Express and Tehelka were prevented from meeting her.
  • On January 7, the Supreme Court ordered the State of Chhattisgarh to not prevent Sodi Sambo from travelling to Delhi for medical treatment at St. Stephens Hospital at her own cost. The National Alliance for People’s Movement (NAPM) team met the SP Dantewada so they could meet and escort Sambo to Delhi. They were brusquely told not to interfere and that the Petitioner Organization, PUCL or others will not be permitted to have any role in this regard. The model argument for denying access to her has been that as a witness, she needs to be protected from anybody influencing her. Ironically, Sambo is being ‘protected’ by the same police that she alleges are responsible for her injuries. Sambo has now been shifted to AIIMS in Delhi by the Chhattisgarh government. Sambo’s lawyer has also not been allowed to meet her. Why is the Chhattisgarh government so wary of anybody meeting Sambo? Is it because she is a witness to the state’s excesses on adivasis which has been continuously going on for the past four years?
Targeting of Vanvasi Chetna Ashram

  • We would also like to bring to your notice the reprehensible harassment of civil rights and democratic spaces, like the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA), in Chattisgarh. The VCA, led by Gandhian Himanshu Kumar, has been raising and documenting the atrocities on innocent adivasis by state forces on the pretext of fighting Naxals in Dantewada. Himanshu had planned a padyatra beginning December 14, 2009, to be followed by a saytagraha and a jan sunvai (public hearing), for which Home minister P.Chidambaram had agreed to come. He was denied permission for the padyatra and satyagraha in Dantewada. A national team of women traveling to participate in the programme were stopped in Raipur, humiliated and finally not allowed to reach Dantewada. On December10, 2009 (Human Right Day), one of the VCA’s main activists, Kopa Kunjam, was picked up along with lawyer Alban Toppo. While Alban was let off after some beating, Kopa was slammed with murder charges and still languishes in jail. Another VCA activist, Sukhnath, has been falsely implicated and booked under Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (CSPSA). Earlier in May, 2009, VCA premises were demolished bypassing legal procedures. VCA was asked to vacate the rented accommodation as the landlord was under pressure from the administration to do so. The VCA has now been blacklisted by the Chhattisgarh administration.
Rape and Intimidation of Women of Samsetti Village

  • Four adivasi girls from Samsetti village, Sukma block of Dantewada, were raped by Special Police Officers (SPO) two years ago. The issue was brought to light by the magazine Tehelka and Himanshu Kumar’s sustained efforts helped registration of a rape case in Bilaspur High Court in March 2009, even as the police refused to file FIRs. These women were picked up by the same SPOs when their cases were to come up for hearing in the courts on December, 10. They were beaten, illegally kept at the police station for five days and their thumb imprints taken on a blank sheet to say that Himanshu Kumar had pressurized them to level false charges of rape.
Obstructing rights’ groups, researchers and journalists from functioning in the state

  • Two Professors from Delhi University, Nandini Sundar and Ujjwal Kumar Singh who were in Dantewada from December 29-31, 2009, were surrounded and trailed by armed SPOs throughout their visit. Hotel owners denied them lodging at the behest of the Chhattisgarh government and the Dantewada police.
  • On January 5, 2010 Satyen Bordoloi and Priyanka Borpujari, journalists from Bombay who had been highlighting violations by the state and the VCA’s struggles in the print and electronic media, Suresh Deepala, law student and AID volunteer from Hyderabad, and Nishtha, a student of Tata Institute of Social Sciences, who were visiting Himanshu for the jan sunwai, were surrounded by 25 armed police and SPOs and prevented from leaving. They were assaulted and their cameras taken away.
  • • On January 6, activists from NAPM including Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey were assaulted by a mob brought in from Kasauli Relief Camp by an organization called Maa Danteshwari Swabhiman Manch, essentially a new version of Salwa Judum. Eggs and sewage were thrown at the delegation. 25 to 30 adivasis who still dared to come for the Jan Sunvai were also stopped, harassed and intimidated by the police.
There is an undeclared emergency in operation in Dantewada where people are being denied access to the area and information, detained illegally, implicated in false cases, threatened, tortured and killed. The Home Minister, Mr. P. Chidambaram was apprised of the problems but he has chosen to remain silent for in the war against Naxals, everything seems fair to him. We would therefore like you to ponder and answer if the tribal people of Dantewada are not citizens of this country? Are they not supposed to have a say in the development of this country? Why are they expected to keep quiet as their resources, livelihoods and lives are snatched away to benefit a few? How fair is the state’s strategy of displacing them and handing over their natural resources to private corporations? Can all opposition, including peaceful, Gandhian protests, to state policies be declared Naxalite and thereby brushed aside? And finally, can we in the name of fighting Naxalism put democracy and our constitution to peril and is this the only answer that a state worthy of calling itself a democracy has to such challenges?

It has also come to our knowledge that the combing operation in Chhattisgarh has begun and security forces have entered the jungles from Konta, the southernmost part of Chhattisgarh. This could not have been done without the knowledge and approval of the Home Ministry. It should also be noted that ‘Operation Greenhunt’ against Maoists was disowned by your government but what we are seeing is its surreptitious continuation without an official name. As the Prime Minister of this country, we hope you will break your silence and accept responsibility for the wrongs being committed in Chhattisgarh and take immediate action to restore constitutional freedoms in the state.

Sincerely
People’s Union for Democratic Rights, PUDR
Contact: pudrdelhi.yahoo.com, pudr.pudr.org

Saturday, February 27, 2010

Democracy and Dictatorship

Democracy and Dictatorship
Rosa Luxemburg


The basic error of the Lenin-Trotsky theory is that they too, just like Kautsky, oppose dictatorship to democracy. “Dictatorship or democracy” is the way the question is put by Bolsheviks and Kautsky alike. The latter naturally decides in favor of “democracy,” that is, of bourgeois democracy, precisely because he opposes it to the alternative of the socialist revolution. Lenin and Trotsky, on the other hand, decide in favor of dictatorship in contradistinction to democracy, and thereby, in favor of the dictatorship of a handful of persons, that is, in favor of dictatorship on the bourgeois model. They are two opposite poles, both alike being far removed from a genuine socialist policy. The proletariat, when it seizes power, can never follow the good advice of Kautsky, given on the pretext of the “unripeness of the country,” the advice being to renounce socialist revolution and devote itself to democracy. It cannot follow this advice without betraying thereby itself, the International, and the revolution. It should and must at once undertake socialist measures in the most energetic, unyielding and unhesitant fashion, in other words, exercise a dictatorship, but a dictatorship of the class, not of a party or of a clique – dictatorship of the class, that means in the broadest possible form on the basis of the most active, unlimited participation of the mass of the people, of unlimited democracy.



“As Marxists,” writes Trotsky, “we have never been idol worshippers of formal democracy.” Surely, we have never been idol worshippers of socialism or Marxism either. Does it follow from this that we may throw socialism on the scrap-heap, à la Cunow, Lensch and Parvus [i.e. move to the right], if it becomes uncomfortable for us? Trotsky and Lenin are the living refutation of this answer.



“We have never been idol-worshippers of formal democracy.” All that that really means is: We have always distinguished the social kernel from the political form of bourgeois democracy; we have always revealed the hard kernel of social inequality and lack of freedom hidden under the sweet shell of formal equality and freedom – not in order to reject the latter but to spur the working class into not being satisfied with the shell, but rather, by conquering political power, to create a socialist democracy to replace bourgeois democracy – not to eliminate democracy altogether.



But socialist democracy is not something which begins only in the promised land after the foundations of socialist economy are created; it does not come as some sort of Christmas present for the worthy people who, in the interim, have loyally supported a handful of socialist dictators. Socialist democracy begins simultaneously with the beginnings of the destruction of class rule and of the construction of socialism. It begins at the very moment of the seizure of power by the socialist party. It is the same thing as the dictatorship of the proletariat.



Yes, dictatorship! But this dictatorship consists in the manner of applying democracy, not in its elimination, but in energetic, resolute attacks upon the well-entrenched rights and economic relationships of bourgeois society, without which a socialist transformation cannot be accomplished. But this dictatorship must be the work of the class and not of a little leading minority in the name of the class – that is, it must proceed step by step out of the active participation of the masses; it must be under their direct influence, subjected to the control of complete public activity; it must arise out of the growing political training of the mass of the people.



Doubtless the Bolsheviks would have proceeded in this very way were it not that they suffered under the frightful compulsion of the world war, the German occupation and all the abnormal difficulties connected therewith, things which were inevitably bound to distort any socialist policy, however imbued it might be with the best intentions and the finest principles.



A crude proof of this is provided by the use of terror to so wide an extent by the Soviet government, especially in the most recent period just before the collapse of German imperialism, and just after the attempt on the life of the German ambassador. The commonplace to the effect that revolutions are not pink teas is in itself pretty inadequate.



Everything that happens in Russia is comprehensible and represents an inevitable chain of causes and effects, the starting point and end term of which are: the failure of the German proletariat and the occupation of Russia by German imperialism. It would be demanding something superhuman from Lenin and his comrades if we should expect of them that under such circumstances they should conjure forth the finest democracy, the most exemplary dictatorship of the proletariat and a flourishing socialist economy. By their determined revolutionary stand, their exemplary strength in action, and their unbreakable loyalty to international socialism, they have contributed whatever could possibly be contributed under such devilishly hard conditions. The danger begins only when they make a virtue of necessity and want to freeze into a complete theoretical system all the tactics forced upon them by these fatal circumstances, and want to recommend them to the international proletariat as a model of socialist tactics. When they get in there own light in this way, and hide their genuine, unquestionable historical service under the bushel of false steps forced on them by necessity, they render a poor service to international socialism for the sake of which they have fought and suffered; for they want to place in its storehouse as new discoveries all the distortions prescribed in Russia by necessity and compulsion – in the last analysis only by-products of the bankruptcy of international socialism in the present world war.



Let the German Government Socialists cry that the rule of the Bolsheviks in Russia is a distorted expression of the dictatorship of the proletariat. If it was or is such, that is only because it is a product of the behavior of the German proletariat, in itself a distorted expression of the socialist class struggle. All of us are subject to the laws of history, and it is only internationally that the socialist order of society can be realized. The Bolsheviks have shown that they are capable of everything that a genuine revolutionary party can contribute within the limits of historical possibilities. They are not supposed to perform miracles. For a model and faultless proletarian revolution in an isolated land, exhausted by world war, strangled by imperialism, betrayed by the international proletariat, would be a miracle.



What is in order is to distinguish the essential from the non-essential, the kernel from the accidental excrescencies in the politics of the Bolsheviks. In the present period, when we face decisive final struggles in all the world, the most important problem of socialism was and is the burning question of our time. It is not a matter of this or that secondary question of tactics, but of the capacity for action of the proletariat, the strength to act, the will to power of socialism as such. In this, Lenin and Trotsky and their friends were the first, those who went ahead as an example to the proletariat of the world; they are still the only ones up to now who can cry with Hutten: “I have dared!”



This is the essential and enduring in Bolshevik policy. In this sense theirs is the immortal historical service of having marched at the head of the international proletariat with the conquest of political power and the practical placing of the problem of the realization of socialism, and of having advanced mightily the settlement of the score between capital and labor in the entire world. In Russia, the problem could only be posed. It could not be solved in Russia. And in this sense, the future everywhere belongs to “Bolshevism.”