Present Situation and Our Tasks 2014

 (This document has two parts. The first part deals with the international and national situation while the second part is the resolution adopted by the PCC after the 16th Loksabha Election in June 2014. This document was finalized in September 2014. The situation being fluid, many new developments will be observed by November 2014. The Party Congress will take those developments into account.) 

The International Situation

The economic crisis that began in 2008 continues to haunt the world economy. There are frequent hints of recovery, especially in the US economy, but the recovery always proves to be fragile, portending greater disasters ahead. In Europe, German hegemony has kept the German economy afloat while all others except to a certain extent France (strongly allied to Germany) are slowly sinking into a mire of inflation, acute unemployment, homelessness and hunger. Throughout the world, the working class have been subjected to a neo-liberal regime that imposes a ruthless transfer of the burden of the crisis to it. The financial magnates who precipitated the crisis by their gambling with derivatives carry on with their huge profits, salaries and bonuses while the working masses are subjected to a ruthless economic and social squeeze.

The export-led growth strategy pursued by the BRIC and other countries of the South has met with insurmountable roadblocks due to the world slow down. The rate of growth in all of them, including China, has fallen sharply. The continent of Africa is being plundered for its raw materials and the plundering imperialists are in fierce competition through proxy wars.

There are many explanations for the crisis and its duration, but most of them do not delve below the surface. The underlying cause is none other than the prolonged fall in the rate of profit in the real economy in the capitalist centers since the early seventies of the last century. Capitalism has always restructured its way out of the most serious crises in the past but it shows no sign of dealing effectively with this underlying cause except by the hopeful advent of some hitherto unknown and un-thought of technical innovation in the forces of production.

The economic crisis has brought with it a deep political crisis. The multipolar world that emerged after the demise of the Soviet Union was dominated by the US. There were frequent skirmishes with the other great powers but they were mostly confined to the economic sphere, without challenging the dominance of the dollar and did not spill over into military skirmishes or war. There were of course proxy wars, especially in central and sub-Saharan Africa where China has joined the contention between the major colonial powers such as the US, France and Britain.

Has the situation changed in a significant way from the days following the end of the Soviet Union? Is US power now on a sharply declining slope? This is the most significant question today and it arises for various reasons. First, US hegemony is being challenged seriously in Latin America, with some countries challenging the US directly and most others diverging from US diktats in significant ways, most especially in allowing other powers economic entry in a big way and charting independent economic policies. Only a few countries in central America such as Honduras are still ruled by the US embassy. This challenge is in the very backyard of the US. The depth of this challenge can be seen starkly in the developments in Colombia.

Oscillating between setbacks and victories, none of them decisive, an insurgency under the leadership of a group called FARC, which emerged out of a communist party recognized be the Comintern in the early thirties, and still calls itself Marxist-Leninist, has been fighting for power for decades. During the height of US hegemony in Colombia, the marginal peasants, mostly of indigenous origin, were forcibly dispossessed of their meager holdings which were then handed over by the government to large landholdings for agribusiness beholden to US interests. FARC has been fighting government troops and huge militias raised by the landlords and directly hacked by the government. The whole strategy of the government has been backed and directed by the US imperialists and CIA death squads have killed thousands of peasants, intellectuals and FARC leaders. But sustained fighting and diplomatic efforts by Hugo Chavez and Cuba over the last few years seems to have pushed back US power so much that the government of Colombia has been forced to the negotiating table. Most significantly, the main negotiations are taking place in Havana where the question of land reform (the principal demand of FARC) has been agreed upon by both sides. If the negotiations can now move forward to sort out of post disarmament constitutional processes, then that will represent one of the most significant defeats of US imperialism in the region.

Second, the newly emerged (1989) Russian Federation was totally supine before the US until Putin and his ultra-reactionary, great nation chauvinist cohorts grabbed power on a oil boom. Nearing the resolution of US-backed Islamist-Nationalist insurgencies by means as brutal as those used by the US, Britain and France, the Russians are in the process of consolidating a huge security (military) alliance with its own satellites in Central Asia and China. Iran is poised to join it In Libya, the Russians and the Chinese had together tried to stop the US-led imperialist aggression but failed miserable. But is Syria, the two great powers threatened to defend Syria even to the extent of military engagement against US forces and proved the substance of their threat by shooting down a missile of “unknown ownership” sent out of Europe and headed for Syria. The US was forced to desist from another bombing spree and come to negotiations.

This may turn out to be a game changer. Until then, dominance of the US was such that the other great powers either joined it in military adventures – in this case even Britain refused to join the military adventure in Syria – or acquiesced, as in Iraq and Afghanistan. In a parallel development, Iran has been saved from imminent Israeli-US bombardment by Russian muscle power and tough diplomacy. These new developments have been possible because of US imperialism’s two defeats in Afghanistan and Iraq coupled with the economic crisis.

Russia, China, Iran, Venezuela and some other countries are already shifting their trade substantially from the dollar to the Euro. The Chinese are deep into the process of making the RMB an international trading currency. Even the British are enthusiastic about the Chinese project, offering their financial services to hasten the process.

The outlook ahead is one of great turmoil. Japan is rearming itself swiftly and has taken an aggressive posture vis-à-vis China in the Pacific. Its strategy is closely aligned with of the US and is designed to thwart the burgeoning military might of the Chinese by encircling it. The Germans are also rearming and are financing the opposition, including the local Nazis, in Ukraine. This is direct strategic threat to Russia. When the great powers go into an arms race, turmoil is followed by wars.

But Russia is no pushover like Afghanistan. It is the second biggest nuclear power with advanced delivery systems and it is capable of fighting conventionally. The US plan to further encircle Russia – that is, after the ongoing attempts in central Asia – the world could be plunged into Armageddon. It is now for the world to see who blinks first. In Syria, Obama blinked. Putin may not do so over Ukraine.

The National Situation

Where is India in this conjuncture? Share of manufacture in her GDP is very small and falling. Her currency is depreciating against the dollar and sterling. Her current account deficits are mounting – with China alone, it has climbed beyond 30 billion dollars. Unheard of inflation, especially in staples such as grains, vegetables and essential proteins, has been stalking the land on a rising curve. Layoffs, retrenchment, dismissals and actualization are the common stories shared by millions. The meager amounts of food safety provisions and public works such a NREGA cannot plumb the depths of misery into which the overwhelming majority of our population have fallen.

Agricultural production has slumped due to the lack of infrastructural support from Government for a long time. Agricultural prices at the farm gate have slumped catastrophically while input prices have soared. No wonder then that thousands of peasants commit suicide. And no surprise that lakhs of peasants, men, women and children, migrate out to the cities and other states in search for below subsistence service sector jobs. The much vaunted high rate of urbanization is nothing but cramped unhygienic spaces and lives of below minimum wage work, malnutrition and disease.

This was supposed to be the era of export-led growth but after two decades of it, all we seem to be able to substantially export are mineral ores scooped up by an inhuman and illegal process of displacing and killing forest dwelling tribes and others unfortunate enough to live above or near rich mineral resources.

Our big bourgeoisie is still dependent on imperialism for capital, technology and markets. The central and state governments are all in a race to the bottom for foreign capital, the “Left” governments not excepted. Major industries such as cars, cement and many other industries are directly owned by multinationals. In other large scale, modern industries the big bourgeoisie rides piggy back on multinational. There is a deepening of compradorization. The myth that the Tatas and other Indian big houses have themselves become exporters of capital needs to be seen carefully. Take Tata’s takeover of Tetley. Almost the whole of the capital expenditure came from Wall Street financiers who are using the Tatas in the global market as they have done in India over a long period, ever since the Tatas began as opium exporters for the British. The IT industry so called is nothing but telephone operators for multinational firms. Imperialism has become a greater menace than it ever was since 1947.

Compradorization has, as in many countries of the South, led to vicious cycles of cronyism and corruption. Every economic decision made at high levels is an exercise in rank corruption, helping the politicians and the bureaucracy to help themselves while helping the imperialists and their big bourgeois compradors.
Everyone was singing the GD story till the crash 2008. Now there is song of woe. The currency is at the memory flowing in and out according the moves initiated by the US Federal Reserve. The GDP shows no signs of recovery. The economic picture is bleak indeed.

In short, the world economic crisis has caught up with India and there is no respite. This has precipitated further fragmentation of the political system. The CBI is at the throat of the IB and vice-versa. The bureaucracy is leaking like sieves in turf wars. The political parties have carried their fragmentation to new heights since the process began in the eighties of the last century. Many NGO-led mass movements are coalescing with political forces to give rise to new parties, the principal one being the Aam Admi Party which gave vent to the masses’ disaffection with the big political parties and formed the government in an important state such as Delhi.

The election to the 16th Loksabha was held in such a situation. The Indian big bourgeoisie and their imperialist mentors wanted a political situation where democratic rights can be curtailed, labour-laws can be dispensed with land and natural resources can be acquired by the multinationals and all resistance can be crushed. In order to overcome the vacillations observed during the earlier regime, they wanted a one-party rule in Delhi . With this aim the big bourgeoisie formed an alliance with the Hindutva forces and succeeded in installing Narendra Modi as Prime Minister. We have analysed it the second part of the document entitled The 16th Loksabha Election and Our Tasks.

THE 16th LOKSABHA ELECTION AND OUR TASKS

(Adopted by the PCC on 15-16 June 2014)

In the Loksabha election,2014, Narendra Modi, the choice of corporate-Hindutva Alliance has won. His party, the BJP has secured single majority by getting 31.2% votes and winning 282 seats. The NDA led by it has won 336 seats with 38.5% votes. The Congress, which ruled the country over last ten years has miserably lost with 19.5 % votes and 44 seats. Its alliance, the UPA has got 23.5% votes.

In 1984, the Congress led by Rajiv Gandhi had won single majority. Thirty years after that any party got a majority and is in a position to form a single party government. In the parliamentary history of India, Congress alone got majority in 1952, 1957, 1962, 1967, 1971, 1980 and 1984 and the Janata Party got it in 1977. But in those elections, the winning party got votes ranging from 40.8% to 48.1% votes. This is for the first time that a party got majority with only 31% votes. There are many other features unique to this election. For example, no Muslim candidate has been elected from U.P., the state with the highest number of Muslims in the country. Overall, the number of Muslim members has sharply declined. Again, the BSP got 20% votes in U.P. and is the third largest party in the country in terms of vote share but none of its candidates has won. Out of every 10 voters, less than four have supported Modi as Prime Minister and more than six have opposed him. But this victory is being hailed as “epoch-making” and “historic “ by the media.

There is another feature unique to this election. The entire big bourgeoisie wanted Modi as Prime Minister. There was unprecedented amount of fund-flow to one party, which spent more than Rs 5000 crores in advertising alone. This is comparable to Barak Obama’s election expenditure in U.S. Presidential election. The big newspaper groups and electronic media did whatever they could do in their capacity to project Modi and his Gujarat model of development. It mattered little to them that Gujarat is a middle-ranking state in terms of social development indices.

This is for the first time in India’s history that an individual has been projected as Prime Minister and people have been asked to vote for him. It is clear that there is an attempt to weaken the multi-party parliamentary system and replace it with something like a Presidential form of government , of course without the checks and balances that are there in the U.S. There is reason to apprehend that India’s constitution has to some extent been compromised. After election, they have hailed Modi’s victory. On 17th May, a big newspaper carried an article by Jagdish Bhagawati in which the economist hailed Modi’s victory as “India’s Second Revolution”. According to him, the beginning of reform in 1991 was the first revolution and “ we stand again at the edge of second revolution”. “ He (Modi) should declare that he will return India to a high growth path by boldly opening the economy, as he did in Gujarat to trade and foreign investment. He should also emphasize that the social spending without the revenues resulting from the growth is a sure recipe for inflation. It will harm and not help the poor”, he said.

On the same day, Arvind Panagariya in an article, accused the UPA government of “intrusion into the lives of the people through extension of rights approach to housing, entrepreneurship and health”. Mr Ruchir Sharma, head of a foreign investment company accused the earlier government of “encouraging farmers to stay home by subsidizing rural incomes”.”India needs to encourage urban migration and rise of new cities”. On 23 May, economist Ashok Gulati advised to “ contain and rationalize food and fertilizer subsidies and MNREGA expenditures, all of which together cost the country roughly between Rs 250000 to Rs 300000.”

It is not that the UPA government was pro-people or anti-corporate. It did as much as it could to deepen the reform, gave lakhs of crores of rupees to big capitalists in the form of tax-concessions and gave them access over valuable resources like coal, oil and gas and spectrum for plunder. But at the same time it passed the Right to Information Act, the Forest Act, the Right to Education Act, the Food Security Act and the amended Land Acquisition Act . The amendments to the Land Acquisition Act were not quite satisfactory but it was better than the existing Act. Moreover, the UPA government had started the Mid-day Meal in schools and MNREGA. The big bourgeoisie did not like them. While the pro-reform economists like Bhagawati, Panagariya and Gulati criticized them in sophisticated languages, the small section of people who employ labour and particularly child-labour opposed them bluntly. “If the children of Bagdis, Bauris and Doms go to school, who will take care of our cattle ?”, said the rural Babus. After the introduction of MNREGA, they insisted that these schemes should not be implemented during the sowing and harvesting season. Actually in West Bengal, they compelled the State Government and the Panchayats not to carry out the schemes during cultivation season.

The agenda of the “second revolution” is to open the economy fully to FDI, carry out financial sector and labour reform and introduce the policy of “Hire and Fire”, to curtail whatever little social security is there (Mid-day Meal, MNREGA, Food subsidy and Fertiliser Subsidy etc) and crush whatever resistance against forcible land acquisition is there in different parts of the country. Manmohan Singh was depicted as “weak” because he could not carry out the agenda of the “second revolution” . So, an Iron Man has been placed at the helm of affairs who has the dubious record of suppressing all democratic voices and the Gujarat genocide. The unstated part of the agenda of second revolution is being propagated by Panchajanya and Organiser, Who are demanding saffronisation of education and culture in the name of “National” education. The NDA had actually started it but could not go very far. Now is the time to fulfill the dream of Savarker and Golwalkor, to destroy the milieu of diversity from India’s social and political life. The Nagpur agenda fits well with the Mumbai agenda (the agenda of Ambanis, Tatas, Adanis and others). The big bourgeoisie in alliance with imperialist capital has chalked out this agenda, part of the medium and small bourgeoisie and the landowners in rural areas had joined it and the RSS had tied them together with the thread of Hindutva. This alliance had planned communal disturbances in U.P. and it has yielded result. The first part of the agenda of Corporate-Hindutva alliance has been successful and Modi has been installed in power. In the first cabinet meeting he has cleared 100% FDI in defence, which only indicates the nature of things to come. This is a situation of great concern for the working class, the peasantry, the middle classes, the Dalits, the Adivasis and the religious minorities. In a vast and diverse country like India it is difficult to impose a fascist rule, but the intention of the ruling classes is clear. So the people of the country must get prepared for a bitter struggle. The party must be with the people in this struggle. The situation demands the broadest possible unity of all secular and democratic forces on the basis of a common minimum programme of defending secularism, democratic values and social security measures and opposing reform programmes. The parties opposed to the NDA have secured nearly 62% votes. They include the UPA allies (23.5%) and others(38%). It shows that nearly two-third of the electorate did not accept Modi as Prime Minister. There are large number of people who value secularism and democracy. But forging an unity of these people is not easy. In U.P. for example, the SP and BSP together have got 42% votes, same as what BJP and its allies got. But the BJP won overwhelming majority of seats due to division of votes between secular parties. In Bihar, too, the division of votes between RJD and JD(U) helped the BJP. Just after the election, these parties are coming together in Bihar but the situation is difficult in UP. In West Bengal, the TMC has won 34 seats. But during and after the election, they resorted to unprecedented terror on all opposition particularly the Left forces. This has complicated the situation in West Bengal and unity of secular forces on a common platform is difficult.

The parliamentary strength of the Left parties has substantially gone down. This is mainly, due to their poor performance in West Bengal. This poor performance is due to several causes. Since their victory in the Assembly election of 2011, the TMC launched all out attack on the Left. During the last three phases of election in West Bengal ( in which 32 seats went to the polls), the active passivity of the Election Commission helped the Trinamul to resort to booth capturing on a large scale. This is one of the causes of poor performance of the Left. But this is not the main reason. In Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar, for example, there was no report of large scale terror. But the Left lost those seats. Jalpaiguri is a district where 67% of the population blong to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. A large chunk of the SCs are Kamatapuri speaking and the tribals are Sadri-speakers. Occupationally, they are tea-garden labourers and poor peasants. These people, victims of worst form of class exploitation and national suppression are the natural allies of the Left and they were with the Let for a long time. It is due to the wrong policies of the Left parties and the Left Front government that these people have shifted loyalty to some Rightist and fascist parties. The same is true to different extents in different parts of West Bengal including Jangalmahal. The Left parties are yet to rectify their wrong policies.

It is also a matter of great concern that the BJP has made substantial inroads in West Bengal. This is due to several causes. A part of the people who voted for the BJP were swayed by the propaganda of Gujarat model. This happened more in urban areas. Another section voted for it with the expectation that it will give some protection against the reign of terror unleashed by the TMC.

It should also be noted that the Left parties took a soft attitude towards the BJP campaign with the expectation that the BJP would cut into TMC votes. It misfired. The Left lost more than the TMC. Even if it would yield result, it was sheer opportunism. In the end of 2013, the Left parties had convened a meeting of secular parties in Delhi. But the propaganda against the BJP was not carried out vigorously. Above all, the Left Front had gained massive majority in West Bengal in 2006 with the slogan of industrialization. It was difficult for people to demarcate between the Left Front’s slogan of industrialization and Modi’s Gujarat model. We should continue with our critiques of the Left Front but it must be said that their loss of strength in Parliament wii weaken the struggle against the “Second Revolution”, the agenda of the corporate- Hindutva forces.

Within a few days of swearing in ceremony, the Modi government has taken a major decision of allowing 100% FDI in defence. Previously it was 26 %. We know that this government is going to take many such steps including privatization of Banks. Railways, Airlines and mines.

Moreover, a Minister of State has twitted that Art 370 be abrogated. Also, the 4.5% quota for Muslims in central government jobs has been questioned. From these initial moves, it can be apprehended that the Modi government is going to open up the economy wholly to foreign investment ,carry out the second generation of reforms, curtail social security measures and treat the 18% of the population (the minorities) as Anuprabeshkari (illegal immigrants) who have no right, not even right to life. This is a new political situation different from the situation of 67 years after independence. The danger of corporate-Hindutva fascism is looming large over the country. There is grave threat to diversity, the binding force in India’s democracy.

At the same time the situation has created new scopes and opportunities of struggle. The mediation of Nehruvian socialism and social democracy are no longer there between the ruling classes and the Indian people. It also opens up opportunities for new alliances. The party should take active steps to build broad-based unity of all secular and democratic forces on the basis of a common minimum programme which should include (1) Defence of secularism (2) Defence of democratic values and institutions (3) Implementation and expansion of social security measures (4) opposing rampant privatization and other reform measures and (5)oppose displacement of population from land and livelihood in the name of big dams and other development projects sponsored by the imperialists. We should be clear that it is necessary to reach out to political parties like the S.P.,the B.S.P., the RJD, the JD(S), JD(U), UDF, the various Jharkhandi parties, the Aam Admi Party, the Left parties and parties like the TMC. Some of these parties are in power or were in power in some states and while in power ,they succumbed to neo-liberal policies to different extent. The people have to fight against those policies. But in the new political situation, it would be wrong to equate them with the fascist forces. It would be useful to adopt attitude of unity and struggle with them. The degree of unity with these parties will depend on the extent to which they oppose communal fascism and reform measures.

There is some problem with the TMC in West Bengal. Since they came to power in 2011, they have unleashed a reign of terror against all opposition forces, the Left forces in particular. After the Loksabha election, that attack is continuing. In this situation, the people have no alternative but to oppose them along with opposing the communal fascist forces. However, if they change their attitude and allow democratic functioning of other parties, we shall welcome that change and it may be possible to have some sort of unity with them, on the issue of privatization, centre-state relations and defence of secularism, for example.

The Congress has been defeated and its parliamentary strength greatly reduced. But it is still a party with a national presence and in a sense the only national level party in India. There are feudal forces, reactionaries and corrupt people in this party but at the same time, there are liberal and secular forces. Also, there are forces opposed to rampant privatization. Hence it would be useful to take a cautious approach towards the Congress and it may be possible to have unity with Congress forces in mass movements on some issues in some states. Most of the communist revolutionary forces are yet to make any distinction between fascism and liberal democracy and between communalism and secularism. To them, there is no distinction among the BJP, the Congress, the SP, the BSP, the RJD, the JDU, the Left parties and the TMC. Their simple analysis is that they are all ruling class parties and have to be opposed equally. The communist revolutionary forces might have been a dependable core in the unity against communalism and fascism. But due to their dogmatic viewpoint, it is difficult to have them in a secular democratic alliance. However, we should maintain friendly relations with them and unite with them in mass movements as far as possible. Some of them may realise the gravity of the situation and may be willing to participate in a secular democratic alliance.

We should specially try to unite with the oppressed castes, the tribes, the oppressed identities and the religious minorities. They constitute the overwhelming majority of the Indian people. They are the people to be most affected by the neo-liberal onslaught of the Corporate-Hindutva combine. From the time of the Mandal movement, we have maintained friendly relations with these people and on many occasions have participated in joint movements with them. In 1986, when we started the Conventions on Communalism and Threat to Diversity, we had reached out to various individuals and organizations representing these people. But we could not evolve any organizational form where we could work together with these people. Now we should take fresh initiative in reaching out to the oppressed identities and seriously consider the evolution of suitable organizational forms. Whether the alternative organizational forms will take the form of a mass organization or a co-ordination of several mass-organisations or a mass-political party will depend upon future developments and we are keen to open dialogue with all such forces so that we may agree on some suitable form.

At the same time, the party should take some initiative in building broader Left unity. The strength of the Left parties has been greatly reduced, from more than 60 in 2004 to just 12 in 2014. Some of our Naxalite friends are rejoicing at this development. Some have explained the defeat of the Left parties in terms of revisionism practiced by the CPI and the CPI(M). The BJD in Orissa, the TDP in Andhra Pradesh and the AIADMK in Tamilnadu have achieved massive victories. Does it mean that they were following some revolutionary or pro-people policies ? It should be kept in mind that, despite bad results, the Left parties have got 4.7% of popular votes, next only to BJP and Congress. In absolute terms, this amounts to more than 25 million votes. It is a reality that the largest contingent of Left forces are still with the Left parties particularly the CPI(M). After defeat in parliamentary election, a serious rethinking has started among the rank and file of the Left parties. There was a time when they were not willing to hear anything from us. Now the situation has changed. In West Bengal, in particular, thousands of Left cadres and followers have been driven out of their homes, many have been killed, some have been evicted from their khas and Barga lands and large number of false cases have been started. In such a situation, some sort of unity with Left parties will help us reach out to the cadres and masses and a dialogue can start among the Left forces.

There are many NGOs working in the country. Their functioning presents a complex picture. Some of them are very active against eviction and other reform measures. We should have no hesitation in joining hands with them. However, the party should deeply study the mode of functioning and funding of different NGOs and be careful about imperialist interventions in mass movements.

As distinct from other Naxalite groups, the PCC saw the danger of communal fascism through the rise of Modi. But this understanding could not be translated into concrete action. I In West Bengal, for example, we set up our own candidate in one seat and supported some Sangrami Bam in few others. But in overwhelming majority of seats, we took a line of pressing the NOTA button. This was no different from the line of other Naxalite groups or some anarchists. In the 2014 election, when it was clear to all except the blind that the imperialists and the big bourgeoisie had made a choice in Modi (unprecedented in India’s history),it was imperative for the Left, democratic and secular forces to have given the call “Defeat Modi”. Considering India’s electoral system, where there is no weightage to the proportion of votes polled by a party, the people had to make choice among anti-Modi forces and to vote for the strongest candidate against Modi’s candidate. The Muslims all over the country actually did it with fair degree of accuracy. But the revolutionary Left failed to grasp the situation. Whatever little we achieved in 1947, were at stake in 2014. In such a situation, comments like “People are concerned with food and jobs and environment and not with votes “are typical anarchist comments . When the imperialists and the Indian big bourgeoisie are making use of the electoral process to install a FAR RIGHT regime, it is imperative for the Left and democratic forces to use the election in a manner that defeats the imperialist design.

On the question of building mass movements, the party should concentrate on issues of social security (Right to Food, MNREGA, Right to Education, Forest Act etc), issues of rampant privatization, the issue of eviction of people for big dams, mines, industries and other “development’ projects, price-rise and issues of democratic and civil rights. Special efforts have to be made to organize the working class both in the organized and unorganized sector and the formation of Grameen Sramik Union should be stressed. In areas where genocidal attacks against Muslims and other minorities are being regularly carried out, the people are building resistance. The party should help these people and organize resistance. After winning seven seats in Assam, the BJP may be tempted to incite Assamese chauvinism against minorities and try to create a situation like that of 1980s. The party should be vigilant about it. Keeping in mind the general situation described above the states will discuss the specific features and chalk out policies and programmes.

The party will issue a call and start dialogue with political parties and social formations for a preliminary organizational initiative.

Latest from Modi: Abolition of Planning Commission, FDI in Railways, Deregulation of Labour. .